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AbstractThis article discusses a central feature in the poetics ofMartín Rivas(1862): its realism. It describes the way in which the particularisation of experience and the breakdown of the old theory of the levels of discourse – two main components of realism – are embodied in the novel. Like its models in French realism,Martín Rivasfocuses on the unique experiences of singular subjects. This particularisation, however, rarely acquires an interclass dimension, as it did in French forms. The "ideas of realism" are misplaced inMartín Rivas.The novel represents times, spaces, and people in the dramatically reduced frame of the times, spaces, and people of the oligarchy. It signifies a return to the same old rule that European realism had broken from. Blest Gana's realism could be considered, therefore, as an example of the Chileanmodo de ser aristocrático[aristocratic way of being], that is, a set of cultural operations which allow the oligarchy to live their privileges as natural, far from the bourgeois ethos. This insight can be a point of departure for an international discussion as we think about how these transformations might enter into dialogue with similar phenomena in other parts of the world.

This article describes Hijo de ladrón as an improvement novel in which an isolated individual, Aniceto Hevia, can bond with a community of peers. This bond is characterized as essentially masculine, created and not natural, based on work and resistance to adversity. From its context of production and reading, we also propose that the novel can be interpreted as a national allegory of the middle Chilean 20th Century. Then we describe the gaze as a founding affective experience in that community. It is a fundamental instance of recognition among the members of the imagined community, which would be prior to its political articulation. Finally, both aspects are briefly discussed in the light of Rojas's other works and other allegorical formations of Chilean literature. ; El artículo describe Hijo de ladrón (1951) de Manuel Rojas como una novela de mejoramiento en la que un individuo aislado, Aniceto Hevia, logra vincularse con una comunidad de semejantes. Ese vínculo se caracteriza como esencialmente masculino, creado y no natural, basado en el trabajo y la resistencia a la adversidad. A partir de su contexto de producción y de su contexto de lectura, asimismo, proponemos que puede leerse como una alegoría nacional para el medio siglo chileno. Luego se estudia la cuestión de la mirada como experiencia afectiva fundante de esa comunidad. Ella ofrece una instancia fundamental de reconocimiento entre los miembros de la comunidad imaginada, que sería previa a su articulación política. Finalmente, se discuten brevemente ambos aspectos a la luz de la obra de Rojas y de otras formaciones alegóricas.

The article presents a general approach for the analysis and interpretation of Chilean narratives written and published during the past two decades. According to the relationship established with the material world, we postulate that writings and texts can be stoic, skeptical or epicurean.Stoic texts melancholically long for a contact with their lost objects, skeptical ones doubt that this is possible, and epicurean texts –which do not distinguish between perception and imagination–, exasperate symbolic production as a contact with material production. This article coordinates this criterion with other classifications of the period, and also outlines the political projections that such criterion may bear. ; El artículo expone un criterio general para el análisis y la interpretación de las narraciones escritas y publicadas durante las últimas dos décadas en Chile. De acuerdo a la relación que textos y escrituras establecen con el mundo material, postula que puede hablarse de narraciones estoicas, escépticas y epicúreas. Los textos estoicos anhelan melancólicamente un contacto con las cosas que han perdido; los escépticos dudan de que ello sea posible; los epicúreos, que no distinguen entre percepción e imaginación, exasperan la propia producción simbólica como contacto con la producción material. Se coordina este criterio con otras clasificaciones del período, y se intenta bosquejar las proyecciones políticas que podría tener.

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The aim of this paper is to investigate the cause behind rising Target2 imbalances since early 2015, coinciding with the implementation of a quantitative easing program by the ECB. Two facts have captured our attention. Firstly, the official explanation of rising Target2 imbalances, offered by the ECB, is not convincing because it does not fit the empirical evidence available for Italy and Spain. Further, our alternative interpretation reveals that through quantitative easing, the ECB has helped to clean up banks? balance sheets and has indirectly funded government spending. Secondly, those who spoke out against the risks of rising Target2 imbalances in 2011-2012, now remain silent on this issue, despite the fact that some of the presumed risks during the first wave of rising imbalances still hold. We interpret this silence as an implicit acceptance that the risks put forward in 2011-2012 are offset by reform fatigue and anti-euro sentiments in the Euro Zone.

On the one hand, every official document about fiscal policy in Spain, and most orthodox academic papers argue that Spain has no "fiscal space" and that it should apply resolute actions to assure budget consolidation. On the other hand, Spain also had the second highest unemployment rate in the Eurozone in 2015: 21% of the active population. A rapid decline in that rate would require a higher fiscal impulse to sustain higher economic growth rates. This paper addresses this dilemma, presenting two alternative scenarios for the coming years and analyzing their impact on unemployment and fiscal sustainability. The first scenario represents a firm commitment to budget consolidation, while in the second the government uses the fiscal instrument to stimulate domestic demand and ensure a GDP growth rate target. The second scenario is based on an application of an "imperfect" balanced budget multiplier, proposing a combination of discretionary increases in both public expenditure and revenue. The main conclusion is that the end of fiscal austerity is feasible and perfectly compatible with fiscal finances sustainability for Spain.

ResumenLos autores examinan en qué medida las propuestas de «crecimiento inclusivo» de la UE, la OCDE y el FMI responden a sus propios objetivos. Se identifican dos «eslabones perdidos» en estas propuestas: la distribución funcional de la renta y las instituciones laborales. Con datos de panel de 42 economías desarrolladas para 1990‐2018, los autores observan cómo la distribución funcional de la renta condiciona la distribución personal, y cómo la cobertura de la negociación colectiva aumenta la participación de los salarios en el PIB y reduce la desigualdad de ingresos. Estos dos «eslabones» deben pues integrarse en las propuestas de «crecimiento inclusivo».

RésuméLes auteurs se demandent si les déclarations des institutions internationales en matière de croissance inclusive sont bien compatibles avec les recommandations formulées par ailleurs. Ils attirent aussi l'attention sur deux éléments clés du débat, souvent ignorés: la répartition fonctionnelle des revenus et la couverture conventionnelle. En utilisant un panel de quarante‐deux pays avancés, suivis de 1990 à 2018, ils montrent que le premier de ces éléments influe fortement sur les disparités de revenu, et le second, sur les variations de la part salariale et des inégalités. Pour promouvoir la croissance inclusive, les organisations devraient donc inclure ces éléments dans leur réflexion sur la politique à mener.

AbstractThis article examines the extent to which "inclusive growth" proposals made by various international organizations are consistent with their own objectives. The authors identify two commonly overlooked "missing links": functional income distribution and collective bargaining coverage. Using a panel of 42 advanced countries for the period 1990–2018, they find that the first has an important influence on income inequality and the second plays a significant role in explaining increases in the wage share and reductions in income inequality. Consequently, these two factors must be fully integrated into the policy debate of international organizations if inclusive growth is to be successfully promoted.

Since 2014 the Spanish economy has recovered positive GDP growth, and the country has been growing well above the Eurozone average. This recovery has sparked an academic and political debate concerning the role that structural reforms, prescribed by the 'Troika', have played in peripheral Europe. For certain scholars and institutions, these structural reforms have allowed the market, through greater wage flexibility, to make the necessary adjustments to restore economic growth, resulting in a 'healthy' economic recovery. But, to what extent is this mainstream narrative solidly backed up by the empirical evidence? Can Spain be held up as an international example of the success of these reforms? The aim of this paper is to shed light on this debate. We consider that labor market reforms and wage devaluation policy are not the drivers of economic recovery. Instead, we offer an alternative explanation for recovery based on the theory of demand-led growth.

Con base en registros administrativos de la seguridad social estimamos indicadores de incentivos al retiro, en una muestra de hombres afiliados al mayor programa de seguridad social de Uruguay, y evaluamos su efecto en el retiro y la jubilaci´on observados entre 1996 y 2004. En línea con los resultados estándar en la literatura, encontramos que la riqueza jubilatoria tiene un efecto positivo y altamente significativo en la probabilidad de retiro. Sin embargo, los indicadores usuales de incentivos al retiro no presentan el efecto esperado. En algunas especificaciones los indicadores resultan no significativos y en otras presentan el signo contrario al esperado.