Suchergebnisse

Résumé Une constante de la pensée politique consiste à définir la Cité antique démocratique comme une société holiste qui impose la participation politique. L'article montre, avec une méthode empruntée à la sociologie musicale, que si certaines pratiques musicales (la flûte et l' aulos ) reflètent bien l'implication du citoyen dans les affaires publiques, à partir du 5 e siècle, une rupture apparaît. Elle se caractérise par le recours croissant à des techniciens de la musique dans la tragédie, une forme de désengagement des citoyens quant à la pratique de l'instrument, l'apparition d'une frontière entre professionnalisation et amateurisme, et l'utilisation de l' aulos pour des commandes particulières et non seulement publiques. À partir du lien ténu entre citoyenneté et pratique musicale, on montre alors l'émergence d'une individuation partielle, qui sans aboutir à la constitution d'un Moi moderne favorise l'expression d'une certaine individualité.

Une constante de la pensée politique consiste à définir la Cité antique démocratique comme une société holiste qui impose la participation politique. L'article montre, avec une méthode empruntée à la sociologie musicale, que si certaines pratiques musicales (la flûte et l'aulos) reflètent bien l'implication du citoyen dans les affaires publiques, à partir du 5e siècle, une rupture apparaît. Elle se caractérise par le recours croissant à des techniciens de la musique dans la tragédie, une forme de désengagement des citoyens quant à la pratique de l'instrument, l'apparition d'une frontière entre professionnalisation et amateurisme, et l'utilisation de l'aulos pour des commandes particulières et non seulement publiques. À partir du lien ténu entre citoyenneté et pratique musicale, on montre alors l'émergence d'une individuation partielle, qui sans aboutir à la constitution d'un Moi moderne favorise l'expression d'une certaine individualité.

Une constante de la pensée politique consiste à définir la Cité antique démocratique comme une société holiste qui impose la participation politique. L'article montre, avec une méthode empruntée à la sociologie musicale, que si certaines pratiques musicales (la flûte et l'aulos) reflètent bien l'implication du citoyen dans les affaires publiques, à partir du 5e siècle, une rupture apparaît. Elle se caractérise par le recours croissant à des techniciens de la musique dans la tragédie, une forme de désengagement des citoyens quant à la pratique de l'instrument, l'apparition d'une frontière entre professionnalisation et amateurisme, et l'utilisation de l'aulos pour des commandes particulières et non seulement publiques. À partir du lien ténu entre citoyenneté et pratique musicale, on montre alors l'émergence d'une individuation partielle, qui sans aboutir à la constitution d'un Moi moderne favorise l'expression d'une certaine individualité.

International audience ; According to Plutarch, the young Alcibiades would have refused to play the aulos on the pretext that this practice distorted the appearance and the features of a man and was unworthy of an Athenian citizen; his example was followed and therefore the aulos was expelled from liberal education in Athens. Other textual and iconographic sources, testify instead of the presence of auloi everywhere in Athenian public and private life, throughout the fifth and fourth centuries. Analysing the ambiguous status of the aulos in Athens, we must certainly distinguish what refers to hearing and what refers to practice. From available sources, we can actually trace successive breaks in the evolution of acceptation or rejection of this instrument, but it is necessary to examine what were the causes and origins of these breaks. The analysis of the the young Alcibiades' arguments autorizes hypothesis about the symbolic value of the aulos in political discourses of elites during the Peloponnesian War, whether they were favorable or not to democracy. ; Selon Plutarque, Alcibiade enfant aurait catégoriquement refusé de jouer de l'aulos au prétexte que cette pratique déformait les traits du visage et était indigne d'un citoyen athénien. Son exemple aurait fait école et dès lors l'aulos aurait été exclu des études libérales à Athènes. D'autres sources, textuelles et iconographiques, témoignent au contraire de l'omniprésence des auloi dans la vie publique et privée des Athéniens, aux ve et ive siècles. Sans doute faut-il distinguer ce qui relève de l'audition et de la pratique lorsqu'on analyse le statut ambigu de l'aulétique à Athènes. Et, si la confrontation des sources permet effectivement de retrouver la trace de ruptures successives dans le degré de popularité de cet instrument, il convient de s'interroger sur les causes et sur l'origine de ces ruptures. L'examen des arguments utilisés par le jeune Alcibiade permet de formuler quelques hypothèses sur la valeur symbolique que prenait l'aulos dans les ...

International audience ; According to Plutarch, the young Alcibiades would have refused to play the aulos on the pretext that this practice distorted the appearance and the features of a man and was unworthy of an Athenian citizen; his example was followed and therefore the aulos was expelled from liberal education in Athens. Other textual and iconographic sources, testify instead of the presence of auloi everywhere in Athenian public and private life, throughout the fifth and fourth centuries. Analysing the ambiguous status of the aulos in Athens, we must certainly distinguish what refers to hearing and what refers to practice. From available sources, we can actually trace successive breaks in the evolution of acceptation or rejection of this instrument, but it is necessary to examine what were the causes and origins of these breaks. The analysis of the the young Alcibiades' arguments autorizes hypothesis about the symbolic value of the aulos in political discourses of elites during the Peloponnesian War, whether they were favorable or not to democracy. ; Selon Plutarque, Alcibiade enfant aurait catégoriquement refusé de jouer de l'aulos au prétexte que cette pratique déformait les traits du visage et était indigne d'un citoyen athénien. Son exemple aurait fait école et dès lors l'aulos aurait été exclu des études libérales à Athènes. D'autres sources, textuelles et iconographiques, témoignent au contraire de l'omniprésence des auloi dans la vie publique et privée des Athéniens, aux ve et ive siècles. Sans doute faut-il distinguer ce qui relève de l'audition et de la pratique lorsqu'on analyse le statut ambigu de l'aulétique à Athènes. Et, si la confrontation des sources permet effectivement de retrouver la trace de ruptures successives dans le degré de popularité de cet instrument, il convient de s'interroger sur les causes et sur l'origine de ces ruptures. L'examen des arguments utilisés par le jeune Alcibiade permet de formuler quelques hypothèses sur la valeur symbolique que prenait l'aulos dans les discours politiques des élites, favorables ou hostiles à la démocratie, pendant la guerre du Péloponnèse.

International audience ; The present article aims to study the musical accompaniment of physical activities such as work, athletic or military practices. Such accompaniment, mainly by the aulos, is verified over a millennium both in iconographic and literary sources from the Homeric poems to late Antique texts and mosaics from the time of Justinian. This work seeks to identify an internal logic of this cultural phenomenon and to investigate whether the reasons for this musical usage over this long period, in varied situations, including labour, athletic and military activities, follows the same general trans-historical logic, or whether the likeness is only superficial. Therefore, it analyses the musical repertoire of work songs, and the related iconography of the vintage or bread-kneading. Furthermore, it looks for the cultural explanations formulated in Antiquity for the presence of aulos-music in sporting competition and military activities. It concludes that on the level of rhythm and melody there was a form of permanence regarding the internal logic. ; Cet article propose une étude de l'accompagnement musical des activités physiques que sont, par exemple, le travail, les pratiques athlétiques ou militaires. Ces accompagnements, principalement exécutés au moyen de l'aulos, sont attestés dans les documents iconographiques et textuels, sur un millénaire environ, depuis les poèmes homériques jusqu'aux textes et aux mosaïques de l'époque de Justinien. Cette étude tente d'identifier une logique propre à ces phénomènes culturels : il s'agit de déterminer si les raisons des différents usages musicaux dans des activités aussi diverses que sont l'agriculture, les pratiques athlétiques et militaires suivent une même logique générale sur le temps long, sur le mode d'un facteur transhistorique, ou si cette similarité n'est que superficielle. Une étude du corpus des œuvres méliques et, parallèlement, des représentations iconographiques des scènes de vendanges (foulage du raisin) et de pétrissage du pain. Une étude des ...

Il potere dell"aulos e i suoi effetti sull"animo erano così emblematici per i Greci da far loro trasformare lo strumento e le sue sonorità in una metafora di persuasione, come si riscontra in alcuni dialoghi di Platone. Da un altro punto di vista, però, l"aulos fu anche uno strumento "perturbante", come appare ad esempio nella tragedia. In tale contesto esso sembra operare sulle paure (phobos) e le insicurezze dei personaggi tragici, e talora addirittura condurre agli sviluppi conclusivi della performance teatrale. Per quel che riguarda invece l'uditorio in teatro, l"aulos può aver giocato un ruolo nello sviluppo della catarsi, in quanto gli spettatori potevano essere in grado di collegare i suoni da esso prodotti con le proprie esperienze di vita quotidiana, specie quelle dei riti catartici dionisiaci. Per mezzo della catarsi e grazie alle sue implicazioni etiche, la tragedia – in virtù del suo contesto e del suo ruolo interamente pubblici – pare quindi aver avuto un effetto più significativamente "politico" sulle ansie del vastissimo uditorio teatrale. ; The power of the aulos and its effects on the soul were so emblematic for the Greeks, that they also made this instrument and its sounds into a metaphor of persuasion, as it happens for instance in some Platonic dialogues. On the other side, the aulos was also a "perturbing" instrument, as it appears for instance in tragedy. Indeed it seems to work on the fears (phobos) and insecurities of tragic characters, and leads sometimes to the conclusive developments of the theatrical performance. As far as the audience in the theatre is concerned, the aulos instead may have had a role in the development of catharsis, since the audience would be able to connect its sounds with experiences of everyday life, especially with the Dionysiac cathartic rites. By means of catharsis, and because of its ethical implications, tragedy – with its utterly public context and role – seems then to have performed a most meaningful "political" effect on the anxieties of the very large theatre audience.

On 6th-8th September 2016, the African Union Commission (AUC) organized a meeting on the operationalization of the recently established African Union Mediation Support Unit (AU MSU) in Addis Ababa. The meeting assembled AU Commission staff both from the Headquarters and the AU Liaison Offices (AULOs), AU Special Envoys, Regional Economic Communities (RECs),including IGAD, ECOWAS, ECCAS and SADC, the United Nations (UN), the European Union, academics and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) to discuss and exchange experiences and ideas on how best to structure and operationalize the AU MSU. Participants reviewed existing AU mediation structures, practices, protocols, Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs), and challenges. They then proposed ways to make the mediation efforts of the AU more effective in responding to contemporary demands of the AU mediation landscape.

The ethics of music have been an issue of intense discussion throughout classical antiquity, as manifested by Damon's early research on the moral influence of music (5th cent. B.C.). However, Plato significantly contributed to the subject in his Republic, as he imposed strict and severe regulations about music and specific harmonies that were considered good for morals and pedagogy. Furthermore, Aristotle, in his Politics, studied the ethics of music, with a different attitude towards the aulos, the main musical instrument of his era, from his predecessor. Pseudo-Plutarch's De Musica was written within the Neoplatonic movement. The dialogue, in which the banqueters discuss the origins and evolution of music is heavily influenced by the Platonic ones. There is substantial praise, from both Lysias (a practicing musician) and Soterichos (a theoretician and early critic of music), for the era when music was harmonic, simple and not connected to theatre. Early Ancient Greek musicians and lyric poets had a rather conservative approach to music, often subtracting notes from musical scales. However, as music progressed and got correlated with the theatrical action, more complex scales and harmonies, such as the Lydian and Phrygian ones, were mostly used; the banqueters did not have a high opinion of those, due to the passive morals they were associated with. As a result, the contemporary musical scales were considered harmful for the morals that were to be instilled in people, especially children. In summary, this late-antiquity dialogue, of which the real author is yet to be convincingly identified, can be considered a very good example of the Ancient Greek attitude about progress, especially in the changing, uncertain times of the early centuries CE.

Riječ je o tri kipa koje je grof Laval Nugent u vremenu od 1817. do 1819. godine dao iskopati u Traettu (Minturnae), u Laciju, nedaleko Napulja. Neki od tada iskopanih kipova prvo su djelomično restaurirani u mramoru u napuljskom Arheološkome muzeju. Približno 1820. g. cijeli Nugentov muzej prenesen je u Palazzo Pisani di Santo Stefano u Mletke, a nakon 1831. na Trsat. Još u Mlecima restauracija kipova povjerena je Giacomu Paronuzziju koji ih je nadopunjavao u gipsu. Tako i kip Silena s malim Bakhom, kako su onda smatrali, a u biti skupinu od tri kipa, Apolona i Marsije te muze Kaliope. Smatrajući gipsane nadomjestke lošima, Josip Brunšmid dao ih je odstraniti. ; This paper deals with three statues, excavated together with many other statues, statuettes and reliefs on behalf of Count Laval Nugent of Westmeath between 1817 and 1819 at Traetto/Minturno, in Latium, near Naples. Some of the statues were already partly restored in marble at the Naples Archaeological Museum. In approximately 1820 the entire Nugent collection was transported to Venice to his vast Palazzo Pisani di Santo Stefano, and after 1831 to his Trsat Castle above Rijeka. Still in Venice, the young sculptor Giacomo Paronuzzi was entrusted with the reconstruction of the statues, which he did in plaster. Thus he reconstructed the large statue of Silenus (as it was thought to be at the time, later to be recognized as Marsyas), holding little Bacchus, as well as that of Ariadne (later identified as the Muse Calliope). Much later these two statues, as well as the preserved head of Apollo, were identified as the three statues forming the group of Marsyas, Calliope and Apollo. Paronuzzi's reconstruction can be seen only on a Major Mijat Sabljar's drawing preserved in the Archives of the Zagreb Archaeological Museum. There are also some older descriptions. Unfortunately, there is no photograph of the reconstructed statues, before the removal of the plaster parts. It is possible that the plaster parts had already suffered at Trsat Castle from the rain entering the tower where the statues were stored. Judging these reconstructions as bad Josip Brunšmid had them removed. The preserved height of Marsyas' statue is 1.73 m. Only the nose remained of Paronuzzi's reconstructions, as well as the right knee and other retouches on the legs and the tree-trunk. Of Apollo's statue belonging to the same group only the head is preserved in Zagreb, its height being 0.32 m. Paronuzzi's intervention consisted of the flattening the break of the nose, drilling a hole and fastening a reconstructed nose with an iron peg. Also this reconstruction was removed in Zagreb. The head is slightly turned to the left, looking at Marsyas, who was looking to the right, i.e. towards Apollo. The third statue, that of the Muse Calliope, previously considered to be Ariadne, preserved to the height of 1.17 m, was the most reconstructed one in plaster from the waist upwards: the breasts, shoulders, head, right arm, feet and parts of drapery. These statues were already described in some texts published in the 19th c. the Royal Territorial Government of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia acquired some parts of the Nugent Museum and brought them to Zagreb to the Archaeological Department of the Croatian National Museum. Josip Brunšmid published the final description of the entire group in 1903. In conclusion, to sum up this review of the Marsyas group from Minturno, and leaving aside how many more statues formed the entire scene, the central group consisted of Marsyas standing left, looking to the right and holding the aulos. In the centre sat the Muse Calliope holding a diptych, while on the right stood Apollo, slightly looking to the left and holding a cithara. The very similar scene can be seen on a marble sarcophagus relief from Dogana del Chiarone in Tuscany (Ma 2347), dated to the late 3rd c. A. D. now in the Louvre (Clarac 1820: 275, 732; Daremberg-Saglio-Pottier IV, 3, 1908-1909: 1100, Fig. 6138). Giacomo Paronuzzi in his time could certainly not have known what mythological scene these marble statues represented.

The contemporary image of sport is determined by tradition. An attempt at showing the origins of sport leads us inevitably into the ancient past. It is most frequently, however, that our thoughts focus on the ancient Greece, where a cult was born of a man who is both beautiful and kind, who embodies the most precious virtues and the bodily beauty. This ideal, for long centuries the pro minent feature of a Greek soul, which determined cultural fundaments of the Greek paidea, and which even now arouses our recognition, was born in an in spired vision of Homer. Writing "The Iliad" and "The Odyssey", Homer created an image of a man who was equal to the gods. Equal in beauty, striving for perfection, superior to them in respect of kindness. Homer also created an image of a man of sport. He showed the changes which occurred in Greeks' public life and owing to which the games emerged as a particular way of stressing their grandeur. But he also showed changes in individuality, owing to which the selfish, in a way, knightly attitudes assumed that unselfish (in material sense), sportsmanlike character. It is noticeable in the comparison between two different images of games, the first one depicted, in the 23rd book of "The Iliad'', devoted to the description of games in honour of Patroclos, and the other, in "The Odyssey", describing Odysseus' stay in the palace of king Alcinoos on the island of Scheria. It is Homer himself who argues that games as a form of knightly activities were known not only in Greece. He evokes the picture of games held in Crete, which took its earlier cultural roots in Egypt. Then it is not the games themselves that one should look for in this particular, unique climate, which added a glitter of art to knightly, everyday, aggressive attitudes. Yes, art. The knights at Troy demonstrate during the games their combat capabilities and the spectators who waitch their performances see in them an element of strength which may de termine the course of war. Three centuries later in history and ten years later on the pages of the book, in the palace of Alcinoos, Odysseus is a spectator, and soon it turned out that also a participant in other games, held in the time of peace in honour of the guest and aimed first of all at providing a good enter tainment. The audience looks at the heroes of the contests as at actors. Their performances provide entertainment and are a proof of respect for cultural tradition. At Troy Odysseus was considered a soldier, in the palace of Alcinoos the same hero is admired as a living statue — a piece of art. Perfect in its classical shape, showing the qualities of the body and the virtues of the soul. The Phaia cians, Alcinoos' subjects, give particular prominence to foot-races, which these sailors and merchants do not need in their everyday life. But foot-race is as precious to them as dancing, singing and sailing. So they go in for it for a sheer pleasure of sport itself. They also introduce other contests, nonexistent in the programme of the games at Troy, for example long jump, probably not a running one, and performed to the accompaniment of aulos, whereas there are no duels with swords, chariot-races and even shooting with a bow, since these were the games of peacetime. A comparison between those two different events, so vividly presented by Homer, is a good reason for us to recognise the latter games as an "early spring" of sport, for we can notice here almost all these elements which stress and determine the separate character of sport's cultural phenamenan. This analysis leads us also to numerous to-date reflexions which make it possible for us to have a critical look at what is going on in today's sport, and which many a time makes us uneasy. And, what is most important, allows us to be optimistic about the future of sport, for what weakens today the humanistic aspect of sport, is just a sign of a passing moment, a wind which tears leaves away from a tree, breaks some branches, but the tree resists these gusts, since it has firm roots. And this is the whole optimism.