Governmental Structure and Political Environment
In: American political science review, Band 56, Heft 3
ISSN: 0003-0554
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In: American political science review, Band 56, Heft 3
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Politikatudományi szemle: az MTA Politikatudományi Bizottsága és az MTA Politikai Tudományok Intézete folyóirata, Band 15, Heft 2-3, S. 25-52
ISSN: 1216-1438
In: Communist and post-communist studies, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 119-136
ISSN: 1873-6920
This article examines the impact of external and internal state policies on Russian LGBT activism. Drawing on the political opportunity structure (POS) framework, it focuses on the analysis of two factors (the level of state repression on LGBT people and the direction of state foreign policy) and their impact on LGBT activism. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia's goal for closer relations with the West facilitated the decrease of pressure on LGBT people. That created positive conditions for LGBT activism. Since the late 1990s, however, Russia's direction in foreign policy has become more assertive. That has facilitated the increase in state repression on LGBT people and activists. Such negative changes in POS have posed challenges for LGBT activism complicating its further development.
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 119-136
ISSN: 0967-067X
World Affairs Online
In: The Canadian Journal of Economics, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 68
Das Gesellschaftsrecht schafft die grundlegenden Rahmenbedingungen für die Tätigkeit von Unternehmen und hat Auswirkungen auf die verschiedenen Stakeholder wie zum Beispiel Anleger, Manager, Angestellte und Kreditgeber. Jeder Stakeholder hat ein Interesse daran, den gesellschaftsrechtlichen Reformprozess zu beeinflussen. Die zahlreichen Reformen in Japan spiegeln die sich schnell wandelnden wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen wider. Dabei ist es von großer Bedeutung, die politischen Aspekte der Reformprozesse zu untersuchen und das Verhalten der verschiedenen Stakeholder nachzuvollziehen. Dieser Beitrag unternimmt den Versuch einer Analyse der sich wandelnden politischen Kräfteverhältnisse zwischen den verschiedenen Stakeholdern.Vor 1997 spielten die Rechtswissenschaftler im Gesetzgebungsrat eine wichtige Rolle für die Entwicklung eines ausgewogenen japanischen Gesellschaftsrechts. Obwohl der Einfluss der Rechtswissenschaftler auf einer schwachen demokratischen Grundlage fußte, waren sie für das Erreichen fairer politischer Kompromisse zwischen den verschiedenen Stakeholdern entscheidend. Im Gegensatz dazu ist der Gesetzgebungsprozess in Japan nach 1997 demokratischer geworden. Manager, die eine Interessengruppe mit großer politischer Macht bilden, wirken maßgeblich auf die gesellschaftsrechtlichen Reformen ein, während Anleger und Kreditgeber, die politisch ohne Einfluss sind, dies nicht tun. Die Bürokraten des Justizministeriums haben weder die Macht noch verfügen sie über die passenden Mittel, um sich dem Einfluss der Manager zu widersetzen.Es hat allerdings den Anschein, dass die Politiker von sich aus versuchen, zu dem alten Mittelweg zurückzukehren. Während der laufenden Reform des japanischen Gesellschaftsrechts von 2014 haben sie nicht allein die Interessen der Manager berücksichtigt, sondern versuchten vielmehr, für einen Ausgleich zwischen den Anliegen der verschiedenen Stakeholder zu sorgen. Dieser Wandel beruht möglicherweise auf dem veränderten Wahlrecht für die Wahl zum Repräsentantenhaus.(Die Redaktion) ; Corporate law shapes the fundamental business environment and affects various stakeholders such as shareholders, managers, employees, and creditors. Each stakeholder has an incentive to influence the reform process of corporate law. The many corporate law reforms in Japan reflect her rapidly changing business environment. It is important to understand the behavior of various stakeholders by examining the politics of the reform process of corporate law. This paper attempts to provide an analysis of the changing political balance among various stakeholders of corporate law.Before 1997, legal academics in the Legislative Council played a mitigating role in the legislative process, thereby achieving the well-balanced development of Japanese corporate law. Although legal academics had a weak democratic foundation, they were crucial for fair political compromises among various corporate stakeholders. In contrast, since 1997 the legislative process of Japanese corporate law has become more democratic. Corporate managers, who are a politically strong interest group, significantly influence corporate law reforms, while shareholders and creditors, who are politically silent, do not. And the bureaucrats of the Ministry of Justice do not have the power or the effective tools to resist the influence of corporate managers.However, it seems that politicians are trying to return to the middle road voluntarily. In the 2014 reform of Japanese corporate law, politicians did not simply follow the interests of corporate managers, but rather tried to achieve a balance among various stakeholders of corporate law. This change may be caused by the change of electoral rules for the House of Representatives.
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In: Politikatudományi szemle: az MTA Politikatudományi Bizottsága és az MTA Politikai Tudományok Intézete folyóirata, Heft 4, S. 5-40
ISSN: 1216-1438
In: Zeitschrift für japanisches Recht/Journal of Japanese Law no. 37 pp. 25-38 (2014)
SSRN
In: Computers & Law, Band 20, Heft 6
SSRN
In: The Journal of social, political and economic studies, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 271-283
ISSN: 0278-839X, 0193-5941
World Affairs Online
The chapter presents development in the Italian system of industrial relations since the year 2000. It shows how considerable transformations in the institutional framework have led to limited changes in the structure and outcome of industrial relations processes, so far. While social concertation has progressively lost importance in the definition of employment and economic policies, trade unions and employers have mantained significant bilateral relations, including at cross-industry level, where important steps to increase the institutionalisation of the overall system have been taken. While multi-employer bargaining showed contintuity and resilience, the possibility that larger enterprises can opt for special regulatory regimes was testified by the Fiat Group, which decided to leave the metalworking multi-employer regulatory system and establish an independent group-level collective agreement.
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Public Relations Review 32 (2006) 104-109. doi:10.1016/j.pubrev.2006.02.002 ; Received by publisher: 2005-07-07 ; Harvest Date: 2016-01-04 12:22:18 ; DOI:10.1016/j.pubrev.2006.02.002 ; Page Range: 104-109
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In: Futures, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 142-148
In: Journalism quarterly, Band 63, Heft 4, S. 719-727
In: American political science review, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 615-620
ISSN: 1537-5943
The commission plan and the city manager plan-new forms of city government launched during the early years of this century—were both devised in response to local circumstances, but were soon being heralded as improvements over the then universal mayor-council system. Enthusiasts for both of these new governmental structures claimed many advantages for them. The hopes for the city manager plan seem to have been somewhat better founded, but the passage of time has shown that both plans had limitations which the reformers did not foresee.Almost all of the early discussion about the relative merits of the three plans neglected the role of political environment. Proponents of the different systems deduced their arguments from "the principles" on which the plans were based. A three-year study of the actual operation of manager government in the late 1930s called attention to the importance of varying local conditions. "The tremendous variety of local political conditions and administrative habits apparent in the fifty cities covered by this survey," the authors concluded, "makes it impossible to [give general answers to] many questions about the city manager plan."