Suchergebnisse

For many decades Iran was a goal of economic emigration for Afghans. They could earn there a money to provide for their families at home. Since the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 Iran also became a place of refuge for some 3 million Afghans. Their situation was changing according to the changes in internal and international position of Iran. Sometimes the Iranian authorities were sympathetic, other time were fiercely unsympathetic and keen to remove the Afghan "guests". So, the Afghans in Iran could not be sure how long they would be allowed to stay there if the Iranians would be willing to support them and if they would have a work to provide for their families. This state of uncertainty of the Afghan community there was worsened by an outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Bothe the Iranian and Afghan health care are unable to effectively deal with the problem. And an economic collapse in Iran affected primarily the foreigners there of whatever stance, in this particular case the Afghans.

Survey in detail of the situation and plight of Afghan refugees in transit camps of eastern Iran. Special attention is given to their political and religious/ideological affiliations, whereby light is thrown on the unanimity and infighting among Afghan refugees and rebel groups. (DÜI-Asd)

For many decades Iran was a destination of economic immigration for Afghans. There, they could earn money to provide for their families at home. Since the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, Iran also became a place of refuge for some 3 million Afghans. Their situation was changing according to the changes in the internal and international position of Iran. Sometimes the Iranian authorities were sympathetic; other times they were fiercely unsympathetic and keen to remove the Afghan "guests." So, the Afghans in Iran could not be sure how long they would be allowed to stay there, if the Iranians would be willing to support them, and if they would have work to provide for their families. This state of uncertainty of the Afghan community was worsened by an outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Both the Iranian and Afghan healthcare systems are unable to effectively deal with the problem. And the economic collapse in Iran affected primarily the foreigners there of whatever stance, in this particular case, the Afghans. The main aim of the article is to present the changing and unstable situation of Afghans in Iran in recent years. The analysis covers areas such as their legal status, education, family life, or the right to work. It also takes into account, to a limited extent, the internal situation of Iran, which undoubtedly influenced the situation of Afghan migrants. Based on the analysis of the available materials, it can be concluded that the position of the Afghans in Iran was and is strongly dependent on the situation of Iran and the good or bad will of the Iranian authorities. At the same time, due to the complicated situation in Afghanistan, Afghan migrants find themselves in a hopeless situation and are "doomed" to stay in Iran.

Presence of Afghans in Iran has been critical issue for Iranian government. During the Open Door Policy of Iran, huge population of Afghans entered Iran without official monitoring. They have married and got children. Many of these marriages are not officially registered in Iran nor in Afghanistan. Therefore, Iran has faced many illegitimate marriages and children. This paper is to explain the reasons of Afghan entrance to Iran, their situation in Iran and the consequences of their presence for Iranian government. The main goal of the article is to demonstrate how critical the problem is if it is not dealt with as soon as possible.

Iran, a country with more than 83 million population is the second global host of migrants. For more than half a century, refugees from Iraq and Afghanistan sought shelter in Iran. A report by Iran's Budget and Planning Organization in 1986 put the number of Iraqi and Afghan refugees at 250,000 and 1.5 million respectively. Nevertheless, the majority of Iraqi refugees returned to their country following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2002. But the situation differs totally when it comes to Afghan migrants, whose presence has had various effects on Iran's economy and society.

While much is made of the military capacity of the all-Afghan Fatemiyoun Brigade as an Iranian militia and proxy force in Syria, less attention has been devoted to how its fighters and their experiences have been integrated into Iranian society following deployment. As Afghans of the Fatemiyoun Brigade return to Iran – either as veterans or as bodies of martyrs – they have been incorporated into existing national frameworks of Shiʿi identity and martyrdom. Through the analysis of media reports, funeral processions, and visual iconography, this article demonstrates how state and non-state actors in Iran have used the example of Afghan "shrine defenders" as an occasion to re-invigorate the central importance of state narratives around Shiʿism and national sacrifice. Such practices have elicited new perceptions across government and media of Afghan contributions to the history of the Islamic Republic and have been accompanied by new mobilities and modalities for Afghans in Iranian society. While the experiences of Fatemiyoun fighters are not monolithic, and the reasons for enlisting varied, Afghans affiliated with the brigade are increasingly taking on citizenship characteristics, despite their non-citizenship status. In addition to fighting on behalf of the nation and Shiʿa community, Afghan members and veterans of the Fatemiyoun engage in civic acts of solidarity. Families of fallen fighters receive the financial benefits and cultural status accorded to "martyrs families." Accordingly, the experience of the Fatemiyoun Brigade and its increased visibility in Iranian society raise questions about the future citizenship prospects of Afghans in Iran as well as notions of citizenship in the Islamic Republic more generally.

AbstractIn the contemporary global context, the challenge of integrating immigrants into host societies has gained prominence. This paper delves into the perceptions and experiences of Afghan immigrants in Iran regarding immigration policies and laws. Employing a constructivist grounded theory methodology, the study aims to uncover participants' interpretations and the meanings attributed to immigration policies and laws. Grounded theory analysis, involving initial, focused, and theoretical coding, was employed to collect data. The results reveal that current immigration laws and policies in Iran have led to economic disparities, limited educational opportunities, social isolation, and identity challenges for Afghan immigrants. Iran's integration policies lean towards exclusion. Consequently, Afghan immigrants experience a weakened sense of belonging in the country. Therefore, our study suggests the importance of implementing integration theories and policies instead of those promoting disintegration. Such policies not only hinder immigrants' assimilation but also impede the overall progress of the host nation, thus undermining social cohesion.

International migration is increasingly important in shaping national population dynamics, both directly through adding or subtracting people, and indirectly, through the fertility of immigrants. International migrants rarely share the fertility characteristics of either origin or destination populations. However, the relationship between migration and fertility is little understood, especially that relating to refugee populations. This study examined the fertility differentials of one of the world's largest refugee populations, the Afghans in Iran, in relation to the host population. Based on multivariate analysis, the study demonstrated that Afghan immigrants were moving from a high fertility regime to a low fertility regime. The findings suggest that fertility change among Afghans is associated with their adaptation to Iranian society. The role of education in mediating immigrant–native fertility differentials was also uncovered.

This paper addresses citizenship not a just a legal expression, but also as a socio-political practice that produces new possibilities to transform the official establishment. The text is supported by the category of acts of citizenship, by Engin Isin, that points out citizenship as an action implemented by "the others" to make the institutional order a more inclusive place in terms of responsibilities and rights. Citizenship acts are politically effective actions in which it is possible to organize social demands or just to visualize the vulnerabilities of both citizens and non-citizens. In addition, as an analytical category, it is a potentially critical, dynamic, multicultural, and one auxiliary concept for the establishment of socio-historical ruptures where the protagonists use to be the social movements. In this sense, the text exposes two examples of acts of citizenship by the Afghan communities in Iran, despite the fact of discrimination and racism against them in the Islamic Republic of Iran, and it traces how these practices are useful to remodel not only the occupation of public space, but also the very same framework of rights and responsibilities. ; El texto defiende que la ciudadanía no sólo se expresa a través del vínculo jurídico que une a las personas con el Estado para producir un catálogo de derechos y obligaciones, sino también como una práctica que produce nuevos espacios de posibilidad para interpelar, provocar y transformar el orden establecido por el mismo Estado. El texto se auxilia de la categoría actos de ciudadanía, de Engin Isin, la cual piensa a la ciudadanía como una acción de los excluídos de una sociedad para transformar su orden institucional. Los actos de ciudadanía son acciones políticamente eficaces en la medida en que ayudan a organizar demandas sociales o a visibilizar vulnerabilidades de ciudadanos y no ciudadanos. También, como categoría analítica, es un concepto potencialmente crítico, dinámico, multicultural y auxiliar para la ubicación de rupturas socio-históricas que ...