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Building upon cases of the United States, South Africa, and Malta, this book examines issues of migration in the early twenty-first century. It explores dynamics of opposition to and acceptance of migrants and refugees as nations continue to experience cycles of human movement.

This article argues for the need to identify and grapple with the complexities of the relation between xenophobia and neoliberalism. In the case of the Netherlands, the rise of xenophobia is part of a larger process of a mostly market-controlled reclaiming of symbolic forms of collectiveness in an increasingly atomized society. The 2004 murder of Dutch filmmaker-provocateur Theo van Gogh played a crucial role in cementing a "culturalist," anti-Islam regime of truth. The analysis of the van Gogh murder informs about how, in the atomized market society, the search for new forms of togetherness has translated, in the Netherlands, into a turn to the ethnos, with fantasies of purity and the moralization of culture and citizenship. Where the neoliberal project has, largely unnoticed, abolished the collective standards and solidarities of the post-World War II era, the faces of immigrants have served as ideal, identifiable flash points for new repertoires of belonging and othering.

Summary In recent years, xenophobia has become an increasingly important area of research in social work. This study was conducted in the South-Eastern Anatolia and the Mediterranean regions of Türkiye, both of which are densely populated by immigrants. In the study, the mixed method was conducted on social workers working in these regions. In the quantitative section, the Xenophobia Scale was applied on 242 social workers. In the qualitative section, 35 social workers were interviewed. Findings The findings revealed that married social workers were more xenophobic than their single counterparts ( p ≤ .05). While those who did not receive training on immigration tended to be more xenophobic than those who received training ( p ≤ .000), those who worked in the Mediterranean region tended to be more xenophobic compared to their counterparts who worked in the South-eastern Anatolia region ( p ≤ .05). In the qualitative section featured 35 social workers who fell into three categories: those who did not use xenophobic expressions but were disturbed by the problems that arose with living with immigrants, those who used xenophobic expressions, and those who did not use xenophobic expressions at all. Applications This study's findings highlight the significant role of non-xenophobic social workers in the field of migration. Additionally, it emphasizes the necessity for xenophobia-focused trainings for social workers. In conclusion, there is potential for enhancing non-xenophobic practices among social workers in the field.

Can television have a mitigating e.ect on xenophobia? To examine this question, we exploit the fact that individuals in some areas of East Germany . due to their geographic location . could not receive West German television until 1989. We conjecture that individuals who received West German television were exposed more frequently to foreigners and thus have developed less xenophobia than people who were not exposed to those programs. Our results show that regions that could receive West German television were less likely to vote for right-wing parties during the national elections from 1998 to 2013. Only recently, the same regions were also more likely to vote for left-wing parties. Moreover, while counties that hosted more foreigners in 1989 were also more likely to vote for right-wing parties in most elections, we find counties that recently hosted more foreign visitors showed less xenophobia, which is in line with intergroup contact theory.

Can television have a mitigating e.ect on xenophobia? To examine this question, we exploit the fact that individuals in some areas of East Germany - due to their geographic location - could not receive West German television until 1989. We conjecture that individuals who received West German television were exposed more frequently to foreigners and thus have developed less xenophobia than people who were not exposed to those programs. Our results show that regions that could receive West German television were less likely to vote for right-wing parties during the national elections from 1998 to 2013. Only recently, the same regions were also more likely to vote for left-wing parties. Moreover, while counties that hosted more foreigners in 1989 were also more likely to vote for right-wing parties in most elections, we find counties that recently hosted more foreign visitors showed less xenophobia, which is in line with intergroup contact theory.

Can television have a mitigating effect on xenophobia? To examine this question, we exploit the fact that individuals in some areas of East Germany – due to their geographic location – could not receive West German television until 1989. We conjecture that individuals who received West German television were exposed more frequently to foreigners and thus have developed less xenophobia than people who were not exposed to those programs. Our results show that regions that could receive West German television were less likely to vote for right-wing parties during the national elections from 1998 to 2013. Only recently, the same regions were also more likely to vote for left-wing parties. Moreover, while counties that hosted more foreigners in 1989 were also more likely to vote for right-wing parties in most elections, we find counties that recently hosted more foreign visitors showed less xenophobia, which is in line with intergroup contact theory.

AbstractCan television have a mitigating effect on xenophobia? To explore this question, we investigate a natural experiment in which individuals in some regions of East Germany could not—due to their geographic location—consume West German television until 1989. By analyzing survey data from the periods before and after German reunification, we provide evidence that individuals who received West German television during the GDR period and were thus more frequently exposed to foreign media have developed less xenophobia. We document that West German television programs positively affected individuals' attitudes towards foreigners and led to a higher likelihood of supporting refugees, for example by donating money to refugee aid. In addition to the survey evidence, we show that regions that could receive West German television before reunification were less likely to vote for extreme right‐wing parties during the national elections from 1990 to 2017, and experienced fewer criminal offenses against refugees.

AbstractThis chapter presents two case studies using online surveys for evaluation: a university needs assessment survey and the follow‐up survey; and a four‐year, multimillion‐dollar statewide evaluation project.