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Abstract
Although it is necessary for the truth of a cognition that the cognition answer to the thing known, still it is not necessary that the mode of the thing known be the same as the mode of its cognition.
—Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles, II, 75
The only safe way to apply Kant's test of universalizability is to envisage the act in its whole concrete particularity.
—Sir David Ross, Kant's Ethical Theory

Fifteen years after the end of the Cold War there is a new deep worldwide preoccupation with the short‐ and long‐term outlook for international order. The case of Iraq shows that there is no valid alternative to an international order based on the principles of democracy, respect for freedom, human rights, solidarity and international law. However, the foundations of this order have to be strengthened through effective cooperation and commitment, both by the developed and the developing world. No country, small or large, can feign indifference, go it alone or afford the illusion that it will not be affected by the quality of the international order in the years to come. In this context, introduces a series of analyses that were presented at two international seminars, illustrating the complexity of international order.

The world today needs to recognise the differences and varieties of religions, cultures., societies and economies among countries. It is necessary for states and nations to uphold the law towards a common purpose, i.e. to regulate life in peace and harmony. Similarly, an international order will establish an allied world government or a coalition of allies with the executive machinery that is necessary for its implementation. This government will be supported by the international law in place that can be utilised by all, regardless of governments, institutions, communities or individuals. Therefore, the world today needs to re-establish an international order that would result in a peaceful and rational in fulfilling human needs. Thus, this article elaborates on the international order from anIslamic perspective and notes that Islam has introduced effective principles which are suitable and acceptable to all communities.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface to the First Edition -- Preface to the Second Edition -- I. TOWARDS THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ORDER -- Changes Following the Second World War -- The Gap Between Developed and Developing Countries -- The Roots of this Chronic Crisis -- Indebtedness of the Developing Countries -- Activities on the Part of the United Nations -- The Nonaligned Movement Proposes Global Negotiations -- Prospects: Entering the Twenty-First Century -- II. INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT LAW -- International Law and the New International Economic Order -- Emergence of International Development Law -- Dual Legal Norms (Dualité des Norms) -- The Role of National Legislation -- Institutional Issues of International Development Law within the Framework of the United Nations -- New Sources of International Development Law -- Subjects of International Development Law: Definition of a Developing Country? -- III. UNITED NATIONS CHARTER OF ECONOMIC RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF STATES -- The United Nations Charter -- The Havana Charter (1948) -- Bases for International Economic Co-operation - Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources -- Declaration on International Economic Co-operation -- General Principles for Governing International Trade Relations and Trade Policies Conducive to Development (1964) -- Declaration of the United Nations (1970) - Principles for Governing International Trade Relations Conducive to Development -- United Nations Declaration on the Establishment of a New -- Proposal to Draw up a Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States -- Drafting of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States -- Systematization of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States -- No Consensus Voting on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.

Calls for justice and reconciliation in response to political catastrophes are widespread in contemporary world politics. What implications do these normative strivings have in relation to colonial injustice? Examining cases of colonial war, genocide, forced sexual labor, forcible incorporation, and dispossession, Lu demonstrates that international practices of justice and reconciliation have historically suffered from, and continue to reflect, colonial, statist and other structural biases. The continued reproduction of structural injustice and alienation in modern domestic, international and transnational orders generates contemporary duties of redress. How should we think about the responsibility of contemporary agents to address colonial structural injustices and what implications follow for the transformation of international and transnational orders? Redressing the structural injustices implicated in or produced by colonial politics requires strategies of decolonization, decentering, and disalienation that go beyond interactional practices of justice and reconciliation, beyond victims and perpetrators, and beyond a statist world order.

Universal principles direct political life by defending natural rights and by directing politics to the dominance of reason in enjoying other goods. Good politics comprises the institutions and laws that combine these principles in the most excellent conditions, and lesser politics would imitate these as appropriate to their own circumstances. Principles much like our founding ones are universal in this subtle manner, and are, therefore, justly available for export, in complex ways. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract: Today more than ever within the environment of globalization, societies and countries all over the world, have been pressed in the context of worldwide homologation. This has provoked an enormous tension and inequality in such societies. This is why it is important to have solutions from the perspective of international relationships; furthermore, from my perspective the most important one in this moment is the strengthening and consolidation of a universal democratic principles axis, on which the society may move. The previously mentioned idea is very important due to the fact that the speed which with the changes in modern societies are happening in the context of globalization, has prevented the institutions from reacting on time provoking with this a high level of uncertainty which is affecting the majority of these countries all over the world. For this reason the present project considers not only to be necessary but also fundamental, that principles such as freedom of association and expression as well as the right to vote and to have fair and free elections, work as a mediator axis which becomes a reference point for the decision making process with universal character. Freedom to create and belong to civil and political organizations, freedom for expression, the right to vote, right for the political leaders to compete for the support of the population, alternative sources of information, free and fair elections; and that the public institutions may depend on the vote and other expressions of preference for the elaboration of politics.