Suchergebnisse

The topic of the paper is an analysis and a critical review of events related to persons sent to Goli Otok. The total number of persons who were sent to Goli Otok is not yet verified, but according to recent studies it is assumed that to Goli Otok and other camps have gone from 40 to 60,000 of which 3,800 prisoners died in the camps. On one or few days were imprisoned from 200,000 to 250,000, and in socialist Yugoslavia of about 17.3 million people approximately 1,000,000 citizens were persecuted. It does not apply only to the prisoners but we have to have in mind the fate of many families who were evicted from their houses, confiscation of property, dismissal, forced cooperation, rape, breaking up the marital community, eviction or relocation, changing profession and disabling to thrive and any other psychical and physical pressure. The main hypothesis from which the article starts is the assumption that the leader of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito in the deportation of Goli Otok found an appropriate way to carry out a complete cleansing of his party unrestrained people and forever exclude them from the political scene and at the same time show his rivals how to clear his own yard from political opponents. The first to strike were the old Communists, participants in the labor movement between the two world wars that have been connected for decades with the revolutionary activity and the Soviet Communist Party. The article aims to determine to which extent Josip Broz's interest in clearing party ranks prevailed in comparison with the alleged threat of the CPY and Yugoslavia and how serious the danger was, in terms of announced measures by the Informbiro, or was the main reason to eliminate the possible dangers following the monopoly rule of Josip Broz. In the article we will reflect on the fate of the prisoners of R. Macedonia, who under the sign of "informborovci"– opponents of Tito's policy finished to Goli Otok, and the fate of their families in the period until 1989 through memories of the victims. Keywords: Communist party, Informbirо, Goli Otok, Josip Broz Tito

Knj. 1-2: Hrvati. - 1379 S.; Knj. 3: Muslimani. 614 S.; Knj. 4: Srbi. - 566 S

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Brittany is a good example to understand the distortion between the existence of an identitary potential & the weak influence of ethno-regionalist parties. In this region, regionalist forces have never succeeded to obtain significant political results. In this way, the "Union democratique bretonne" (UDB) appeared as an exception because this party structured a left regionalist movement until the mid of the 1960's. Even if its electoral impact remain weak, the UDB has implemented since ten years an ideological. By renewing its traditional alliances, the UDB tries actually to increase its political representation in the regional society. Adapted from the source document.

This study aims to analyze the attitude of the community in terms of receiving poverty assistance. This research was conducted because it was found in the community that the number of people who were helped by looking at the integrated basic data (BDT) did not decrease even though the assistance provided was numerous and varied. UDB is used as a basis for disbursing government assistance to reduce poverty. Including, the poverty rate shows that there is no significant reduction in the poverty rate, and even tends to remain unchanged. The names of the same beneficiaries always appear from year to year. This study aims to determine how the attitude of the community in receiving the assistance. Using qualitative methods, it is used to analyze the attitudes of recipients of poverty assistance. some people still survive as recipients of poverty assistance, even though they are economically capable, and continue to remain in active status in the government database.

This paper considers the art-based practice, the Urban Dream Brokerage (UDB) which actively sought to produce spatial commons in New Zealand between 2013-2018. this paper will present three findings for practice following a brief description of the practice. Working with Michael Serres' ideas of pollution, I recognise the UDB as an ultimately temporary resistance to the forces of business, in a post 2008-GFC period. The Urban Dream Brokerage ran as a municipally-funded service for five years in New Zealand levering creators into temporary empty spaces at little or no financial cost, for public-facing projects in five towns and cities in New Zealand. 120 projects were 'brokered', lasting between two weeks and five years; with some of the projects and project-makers feeding into new and longer-term commoning projects. A range of creators operated with UDB:- community makers and artists whose work bordered with other practices – sci-art makers, theatre and performance makers, and designers. Projects were often framed as both artistic and social projects; they included a Citizen Water Lab, a Mood Bank, and a Hawaii Culture Centre. This paper is an overview to explore the mechanisms of the brokerage as well as offer what I hope are useful reflections for other urban activists and academics. I present three findings of the practice drawn from two sources: a focus group of UDB project makers, and written reflection on practice as the co-founder of the UDB. These findings, ascertained through a grounded theory analysis, work across three fields of political action within commoning practice: an economic examination of scarcity and commons in the city; a transactional analysis of the brokerage's negotiation with private property owners; and an emergence of death as that which afforded these common spaces.

From November 16, 1945 tilt ]anuary 8, 1946, the Flemish wing of the UDB (Unie der Democratische Belgen ; Fr. : Union Démocratique belge; E. : Union of Democratie Belgians), a newly founded political party, published a newspaper in Dutch «De Nieuwe Wereld».An analysis of articles and columns indicates the options the UDB intended to follow : rather leftist but rejecting the traditional party system and religious adherence as a lawful issue for political discussion and action, solliciting people's union as an acquisition earned during World War II by opposing the German occupation.Presumably due to financial shortcoming, the newspaper subsisted only two months.