Suchergebnisse

WOS: 000492390900001 ; This paper's aim is to read the process that crowned with the practice of cultural diplomacy thanks to TURKSOY and Turkic Council in Central Asia (especially in between Turkic republics and in general Turkic World) through Karl Deutch's "transactionalist" approach. In his book, "Political Community and the North Atlantic Area" Deutsch explains the transactionalist theory as a study that would enable "possible ways in which men someday might abolish war." So, the question is "How can men learn to act together to eliminate war/conflict as a social institution?". Therefore, also, this article is an attempt to answer this question with cultural diplomacy and cultural diplomacy implementations through international organizations such as TURKSOY and Turkic Council in the Turkic World.

The report considers the problem of the collision of interests of two integration entities in the post-Soviet space. The Turkic Council, which includes 2 member states of EAEU, has a wide range of interests in the region, from strengthening cultural and economic ties between the Turkic states to political integration in the future. The author considers the history of the emergence of the Türkic Council, its statutory goals and modern lines of activity. Proceeding from this, the points of contact between the interests of both organizations are revealed, and a number of scenarios for the development of the relations between the EAEU and the Turkic Council are formulated, taking into account both the economic interests and the position of their member states of the political conjuncture that determine their activities on the world stage.Key words: EAEU, Turkic Council, integration, post-Soviet space. ; В статье рассматривается проблема столкновения интересов двух интеграционных образований на постсоветском пространстве. Тюркский совет, в состав которого входят и два государства – члена ЕАЭС, имеет широкую сферу интересов в регионе – от укрепления культурных и экономических связей между тюркскими государствами до политической интеграции в перспективе. Автор рассматривает историю возникновения Тюркского совета, его уставные цели и современные направления деятельности. Исходя из этого выявляются точки соприкосновения интересов обеих организаций, а также формулируется ряд сценариев развития отношений ЕАЭС и Тюркского совета с учетом как экономических интересов и положения их государств-членов, так и политической конъюнктуры, детерминирующих их деятельность на мировой арене.Ключевые слова: ЕАЭС, Тюркский совет, интеграция, постсоветское пространство.

This study aims to examine if there is a long-term relationship between the participation of 'country-level governance' and 'national development' through the data of founding countries of the Cooperation Council of Turkish Speaking States (Turkic Council)? The hypothesis of there is a significant long-term relationship between country-level governance and national development was tested via the panel data analysis of four Turkic countries: Azerbaijan, Kirgizstan, Kazakhstan, and Turkey. The compounds of the 'Worldwide Governance Indicators' were used as the independent variable, and 'Human Development Index' as the dependent variable. A Panel Causation Test was conducted to investigate if there are long-term co-integration and causation between country-level governance and national development. Our results found that there is significant causation between the country-level governance indicators of 'Voice and Accountability' and 'Government Effectiveness' with the 'national development' process. Thus, our findings will contribute to both academics who study the effects of governance on development and to policymakers who utilize these sources for improved political and social development with the aim to prevent poverty and improve access to basic human needs.

Based on the analysis of official documents of Turkic Council, Organization of Turkic States and the relevant media reports, the article examines the origin, motives, features and influence of Organization of Turkic States. The analysis shows that the internal structure of the Organization is highly systematized. Currently, OTS sets great development plans, although its five member-countries and two observer-countries have different aspirations. OTS has striking geopolitical features in terms of level of representation in Turkic-speaking populations. The author concludes that the prospects of OTS are limited by several conditions. First, the lack of internal motivation. Secondly, the absence of a continuous geographical space, which hinders the process of Turkic integration. Thirdly, the diversity of the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of its members and observer countries weakens the effectiveness of their collective actions. Fourthly, the efforts of the newly independent states to create a titular nation somewhat contradict the goals of Turkic integration. Moreover, OTS's desire for integration in a wider space is a distant goal lacking strong leadership. However, OTS influences Central Asia, the ideological struggles of the respective countries, the initiative of the "Belt and Road" and the game of Major powers. In particular, the OTS is a serious challenge for Russia in its national security and foreign interests.

Özgöker, Uğur (Arel Author), Yılmaz, Serdar (Arel Author) --- Conference: Strategizing Turkey: The Davutoğlu Era in Turkish Foreign Policy. İstanbul: İstanbul Kültür Üniveritesi, 26-27 October 2013. ; Due to Turkey?s geopolitical location its role remains to be a regional key country for international relations. It could be argued that a new Turkish foreign policy has emerged in the last ten years and played a crucial role for the regions that Turkey has historical and cultural ties with. In the last two decades Central Asia has emerged as an area of growing strategic importance for Turkish foreign policy. The collapse of the Soviet Union created new opportunities and new challenges for Turkish policy. Immediately upon their independence in the early 1990s Turkey was among the first countries to recognize the Central Asian Turkic republics. The emergence of these states, as they are commonly called the "Turkic Republics", precipitated an outbreak of excitement in almost all political wings in Turkey. A Turkish world from the Adriatic to the Chinese Wall became a new topic of discussion in Turkish policy circles and the media. So much that, the discussion of 21 century will be the century of Turks has spreaded around the Central Asian Republics. This study thus attempts to shed light on this new foreign policy and addresses some key questions about it. We will try to understand and explain the fundamental nature of recent Turkish foreign policy, and how and why Turkish foreign policy has been changing. We also discuss whether or not Central Asian Turkic republics matter or not for Turkey and put forward the AKP?s official foreign policy objectives regarding these republics. We argue that Turkey?s new foreign policy choices and preferences reflect, to a great extent, the visions of the new Turkish political elite in Turkey.

20. yüzyıla gelindiğinde uluslararası arenada devletler kadar devlet dışı aktörlerinde söz sahibi olduğu bir dönem içerisine girilmiştir. Bu devlet dışı aktörlerin en önemlilerinden birisi olan uluslararası örgütler, uluslararası sistemin devamlılığının sağlanması, bölgesel veya küresel boyutta devletler arasında işbirliğin arttırılması ve güven ortamının oluşması gibi hususlarda etkin ve kurucu bir rol oynamaktadır. Ortak tarih, dil ve kültüre sahip, Türk dili konuşan ülkeler arasında mevcut bağların ve işbirliği alanlarının da güçlendirilmesi adına 2009 yılında, resmi adı Türk Dili Konuşan Ülkeler İşbirliği Konseyi olan Türk Keneşi/Konseyi uluslararası bir örgüt olarak kapsamlı bir şekilde kurulmuştur. Bu çalışmada Türk Keneşi'nin örgütleşmesine giden yolda devletlerin attığı adımlar incelenirken, kurumsallaşmayla birlikte uluslararası örgütlerin ortak işlevleri açısından Türk Keneşi'nin durumu analiz edilmiş, küresel ve bölgesel düzlemdeki etkileri ele alınmış ve Türk Dünyası açısından önemi değerlendirilmiştir. Öncelikle genel olarak uluslararası örgütler hakkında teorik bir bölüm hazırlanmış, ardından Türk Keneşi'nin örgütleşmesine giden yolda atılan adımlar ele alınmış ve amacı, kapsamı ve yapısı değerlendirilmiştir. Bu çalışma sonucunda Türk Keneşi'nin uluslararası örgüt yapısı ve işleyişine ilişkin ulaşılan sonuçlar ortaya koyulmuştur. Türk Keneşi'nin kurulması, Türk tarihi, Türk Dünyası ve uluslararası ilişkiler açısından çok önemlidir. Türk Keneşi, modern Türk tarihinde devletlerin kendi rızası ile bir araya geldiği örgütlü ve kurumsal düzleme sahip tek oluşum olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Ayrıca bağımsız olmayan özerk Türk devletlerinin de Türk Keneşi'ne üye olabileceklerinin önünün açılması söz konusu olabilirse, örgütün çok geniş bir coğrafyaya hitap edebilmesi mümkün olacaktır. Tezimizin konusu büyük bir coğrafyayı kapsamasından ve daha önce bu konuda detaylı bir şekilde çalışmadığından dolayı çok geniş bir literatür taraması yapılmış ve veriler bir araya getirilerek kapsamlı bir şekilde ortaya konulmuştur. Türk Keneşi'nin resmi yayın organları tarafından paylaşılan veriler, uluslararası örgütler yazını, bilimsel çalışmalar ve resmi belgeler çalışmanın en önemli kaynaklarını oluşturmuştur ; In the 20th century, the international arena entered a period in which non-state actors as well as states had a say. International organizations, one of the most important of these non-state actors, play an effective and founding role in matters such as ensuring the continuity of the international system, increasing cooperation between states at regional or global scale and creating an atmosphere of trust. The Turkish Council, whose official name is the Cooperation Council of Turkish Speaking Countries, was established comprehensively as an international organization in 2009 in order to strengthen the existing ties and cooperation areas between Turkic-speaking countries with a common history, language and culture. In this study, while examining the steps taken by the states on the way to the organization of the Turkish Council, the situation of the Turkish Council in terms of the common functions of international organizations with institutionalization was analyzed, its effects on the global and regional level were discussed and its importance for the Turkish World was evaluated. First of all, a comprehensive study has been conducted on international organizations. Then, the steps taken on the way to the organization of the Turkic Council were discussed and its purpose, scope and structure were evaluated. As a result of this comprehensive study, the dimensions of the Turkish Council in terms of international organizations have been revealed. The establishment of the Turkish Council is very important in terms of Turkish history, Turkish World and international relations. The Turkish Council emerges as the only formation in Turkish history where states came together with their own will. In addition, paving the way for non-independent autonomous Turkish states to become members of the Turkish Council reveals that the organization addresses a very wide geography. Since the subject of our thesis covers a geography and has not been studied in detail on this subject before, a very extensive literature review has been made and the data have been brought together and presented comprehensively. The data shared by the official media organs of the Turkish Council, the international organizations literature, scientific studies and official documents constituted the most important sources of the study.

Turkey's foreign policy activity is probably designed to create an additional platform for foreign policy bargaining with Moscow on issues of interest to Ankara, and not by any means only in the South Caucasus. Along with bilateral interaction with Azerbaijan and with the countries of Central Asia, political, economic and humanitarian cooperation within the framework of the "Turkic Council" is being strengthened.

Despite frequent rhetorical statements from both countries, the full development of Turkish-Turkmen relations has been limited to certain economic sectors, and even then, has excluded the crucial sector of energy. There has also not been any real progress on the political front, such as persuading Turkmenistan, which has staunchly adhered to a strategy of neutrality, to join the Turkic Council. This policy brief will outline a three decades' long international relationship that has been first and foremost propagandistic in nature, especially for the Turkmen government.

The Republic of Turkey has entered what may be the most complicated period in its modern history; its ambitions are on the rise; its final aim to become one of the pillars of the world order is a challenging one. The paper analyzes the present and future of Turkish policy towards the Russian Federation, Central Asia and the People's Republic of China. Turkey's relations with Russia can be described as mutually beneficial cooperation in many spheres. The sides demonstrate their skills when compromises are required in complex situations or even conflicts. They are invariably found despite the sides' diverging interests in the Middle East, the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia. Special attention is heeded to the mid-term prospects of cooperation between Turkey and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) up to Turkey's possible membership. In Central Asia, Turkey's strategy relies on essential mechanisms of Turkic integration realized by many means, including the Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States (the Turkic Council), and on the specifics of Turkey's relationships with each of the five Central Asian states. It seems that trade, economic and investment cooperation between Turkey and the Central Asian states are treated as priorities along with the expected emergence of the Turkic World in the mid-term. In this context, convergence of interests of the Turkic and Eurasian integration is especially important. As could be expected, the paper pays a lot of attention to the Chinese policy towards Turkey and connectivity between the Turkish Middle Corridor and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. While the contradictions between Turkey and its Western neighbors are growing increasingly vehement, Ankara and Beijing are consolidating their economic, energy, transport and logistic cooperation. At the same time, we should bear in mind that the so-called Uyghur issue is in the way of the otherwise smooth process of rapprochement. Keywords: Republic of Turkey, Russian Federation, EAEU, China, Belt and Road Initiative, Kazakhstan, Middle East, Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States.

Central Asia's importance in Turkish foreign policy has begun to rise since the beginning of the 2010s. Turkey determines its regional policy in the conception of the Turkic world, including Azerbaijan. With this regard, Turkey pays particular attention to the institutionalization of bilateral relations with the regional states. The most successful measure in that direction is the establishment of the Turkic Council. This integration project marks significant progress for the institutionalization of Turkey's Central Asian policy. Turkey is one of the non-regional actors affecting the Central Asian balance of power. However, it has limited influence on regional security and military affairs, which Russia dominates. Turkey is only a secondary non-regional actor in Central Asia. Therefore, it primarily structures its Central Asian policy using common historical and cultural elements. In this study, we investigate whether Turkey has a long-term project in Central Asia. For this purpose, we explore the restrictions of Turkish policy in Central Asia. After that, we compare Turkey's importance for the foreign policies of Central Asian states. Additionally, we evaluate Turkey's interest in non-Western organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to transform Turkish foreign policy priorities in recent years. Finally, we show that Turkey has a policy toward Central Asia but not a fully-fledged project for the region.

Introduction. Studying the cooperation strategies of Turkish-speaking countries has important practical significance. Establishing cooperation mechanisms is an important way to implement cooperation strategies. The purpose of this study is to attempt to comprehensively analyze the process of establishing cooperation mechanisms among Turkish-speaking countries over the past 33 years. Methods and materials. The research on the cooperation mechanisms of Turkish-speaking countries in the international academic community can be divided into two stages: before and after the establishment of the Organization of Turkic States. However, these studies have not systematically revealed the fundamental changes and development prospects of the cooperation mechanisms among Turkish-speaking countries. This article aims to address these issues through the methods of case studies and comparative analysis. Analysis. Turkish-speaking countries have experienced four stages of establishing cooperation mechanisms, marked by the convening of the Summits of heads of Turkish-speaking states (1991–2008), the establishment of the Turkic Council (2009–2018), expanding its membership (from 2018 to November 2021), and its renaming to the Organization of Turkic States (from November 2021). Results. This study draws the several conclusions. Firstly, in the post-Soviet era, Turkish-speaking countries have worked hard to form discussions on the nature and prospects of their relations, which has led to changes in the cooperative narrative logic, actors, and characteristics of activities in the "Turkic world." Secondly, the main factor affecting the current and future cooperation of Turkish-speaking countries is their national interests, not pan-Turkism. Thirdly, one of the most important factors affecting the implementation of Türkiye's cooperation strategy is the position of the Turkish-speaking countries in Central Asia. Fourthly, cooperation between Turkish-speaking countries is currently at its highest level. Based on the mechanisms they have established, these countries have the potential to become a pole in the multipolar world.

Aim. To identify the features of the behavior of external actors in the South Caucasus during the Second Karabakh War and rank them according to the degree of influence on the events, outcomes, and settlement of the post-conflict situation.Tasks. To find out the main reasons for Armenia's military defeat, as well as the extent of involvement in the armed conflict and post-conflict settlement of Turkey, Great Britain, Iran, the USA, France, the OSCE Minsk Group and the EU.Methods. Among the techniques and ways to achieve the stated goal of the study, the methods of comparative analysis, which allowed by comparing the degree of involvement and role in the conflict to identify beneficiaries and the most promising applicants for participation in post-conflict settlement; structural and functional analysis aimed at identifying connections, relationships and mediations between the participants of the events under consideration.Results. The analysis of the interested and motivated behavior of Turkey, Iran, the UK, the USA, France, the Minsk Group, and the EU in the 44-day armed conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan was carried out. An attempt is made to rank external actors according to the degree of influence on the course and outcome of the war; the main reasons for Armenia's military defeat are established; Iran's behavior and role in the conditions of war and post-conflict settlement are characterized; Azerbaijan's support in the conflict by the countries of the Turkic Council is shown; the involvement of Turkey and Great Britain in the war is established; The role of Russia in the end of the war was determined; the positions of the USA and France as co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group were clarified; the EU's application for mediation in the settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani contradictions was assessed.Conclusions. Contrary to numerous opinions about the paralysis of Russia's political will in the South Caucasus, it was Russia that, following the results of the Second Karabakh War, managed to strengthen its position and role in regional politics, unite its allies — Armenia and Azerbaijan — around it, inspire them with an understanding of the need to end armed confrontation in the conflict zone, and propose a realistic program of joint actions towards its political settlement.

How compatible is Turkey's grand strategy with the grand strategies of global great powers? This article briefly summarizes principles of Turkish grand strategy, both from a descriptive and normative point of view, and then proceeds to outline and compare the grand strategies of five great powers that are permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). While there are some observable conflicts between Turkey and the French, Russian, and American proxies in Syria, Libya, and the Caucasus, there are no outstanding militarized conflicts between Turkey and the British proxies. China is also positioned against Turkey in several international conflicts including Syria, and the intense persecution of Turkic Muslim Uyghurs in Xinjiang adds another dimension of latent Chinese-Turkish conflicts. The article provisionally concludes that the Turkish grand strategy seems to be most compatible, or least incompatible, with the British grand strategy, followed by the U.S. grand strategy, among the five permanent members of the UNSC, whereas Turkish and French and especially Russian grand strategies seem particularly incompatible.

The paper concerns the issue of Kazakhstan presiding over the OSCE this year, and the issue of the role played by medium-sized states in the contemporary architecture of international relations. As the interests of global players continue to clash incessantly, medium-sized states are forced to make increased efforts to build a safer and more stable world. The author uses the example of Kazakhstan to analyze the role of medium-sized states, which can be compared to that played by small and medium-sized enterprises in building an efficient and stable economy. The small and medium-sized states are increasingly appreciated on an international scale in various areas. Kazakhstan is consistently working to achieve its goals, not only at present within the OSCE, but as a future head of other organizations, many of which have been established on Kazakhstan's initiative; the country has always been distinguished by its international activity. Many of these initiatives have been successfully implemented by the OSCE itself. The above-mentioned organizations include the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), International Organization of Turkic Culture, and the Permanent Council of Ministers of Culture of the International Organization of Turkic Speaking States (TURKSOY). It is important to include the new independent states in the common ideology of the development of market economies and democratic institutions. As a regional leader in Central Asia, Kazakhstan is better prepared to implement this mission than other states. Not all Kazakhstan's initiatives fall within a purely European framework. As the country is located at the cusp of Europe and Asia, its government pays constant attention to Euro-Asian issues, all the more so as, after its presidency of the OSCE, Kazakhstan will chair the Organization of the Islamic Conference in 2011.