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The wreck and subsequent mutiny of the VOC Batavia happened in 1629 off Western Australia mainland, became one of the Australian founding myths, and triggered many heated discussions about the concepts of nation, identity and cultural heritage. In European eyes, Australia was a land of exotic adventures and possible utopia, but also the land of very real and quite invasive encounters whose traces are dispersed in the collective memory of the native tribes. British Australia came into existence in 1770, when Captain Cook disembarked in Botany Bay and choose it as the ideal place for a settlement. The Batavia case and the textual and documental apparatuses linked to it trigger a series of discourses and reflections on concepts and ideological practices, such as nation, historical and cultural heritage, authenticity and identity politics. From institutional webpages, to history books and documentary films, from adult and juvenile fiction to opera and radio drama, the story of the Batavia has gone through a process of continuous rewriting. The essay focuses on texts, icons, and objects which capture and manipulate a supposedly documental history and refashion it into a source of continuous reverberations.

Kota Tua merupakan salah satu cagar budaya (cultural conservation zone) dan sejarah kota Jakarta. Di area ini, khususnya di area Taman Fatahillah dan Glodok, terdapat banyak peninggalan artefak budaya (cultural artifact) dan praktek budaya (cultural practices) yang memberikan penarasian aspek-aspek spatialitas (spatiality) dan etnisitas(ethnicity) kota Jakarta. Pusat dari penarasian ini adalah Museum Sejarah Kota Jakarta/ Museum Fatahillah yang didirikan di atas bekas balai kota Batavia, stadhuis. Posisi ini, menempatkan Museum Sejarah Kota Jakarta berada dalam dua posisi narasi; 1) posisi narasi yang mengacu pada spatialitas dan etnisitas masa lalu (Past Narrative) dan 2) posisi narasi yang mengacu pada konteks kekinian (Present Narrative). Hal ini memunculkan pertanyaan tentang narativitas (narrativity) penarasian sejarah kota Jakarta. Karena itu, penelitian difokuskan pada: 1) sudut pandang yang dipergunakan dalam penarasian melalui sequent koleksi museum dan kronologis sejarah (timeline) dan 2) konsep dan ideology yang berusaha dikonstruksi maupun yang mengkonstruksi narasi dalam narasi. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian etnografi dalam Cultural Studies dan beberapa pendekatan kritis (critical theories) terutama konsep-konsep Bourdieu mengenai social space and symbolical power dan konsep spatialitas dan etnisitas Lefebvre, penelitian menunjukan bahwa narasi mengenai sejarah kota Jakarta tidak terlepas dari konteks budaya politik (cultural politic) dan politik identitas (politic of identity) dari sudut pandang dan kepentingan otoritas dalam mengkonstruksi pemaknaan mengenai spatialitas dan etnisitas kota Jakarta. Keanekaragaman etnisitas dan latar budaya yang merupakan peninggalan dari aliran budaya global masa lalu (global cultural flow) diterjemahkan, dikonsepsikan, dan diacukan pada satu etnisitas dan budaya pribumi dan lokal. Konteks inilah yang akhirnya menyebabkan invisibilitas (invisibility) identitas budaya beberapa etnis dalam narasi sejarahkota Jakarta.

Abstrak Penelitian ini membahas tentang peranan pangreh pradja di tanah partikelir di Batavia. Pendapat para ahli selama ini lebih banyak mengungkapkan bahwa Pangreh Pradja menjalani peranan dualisme, disatu pihak kedudukannya merupakan bagian dari pemerintah Kolonial Belanda, namun dipihak lain kedudukannya merupakan bagian dari struktur kekuasaan tuan tanah. Karena itu Pangreh Pradja lebih condong untuk memperhatikan kepentingan tuan tanah. Ketika terjadi pemberontakan di tanah partekelir, Pangreh Pradja menjadi sasaran kemarahan petani, seperti kasus pemberontakan di Condet dan Tanggerang. Wilayah Batavia hampir keseluruhannya merupakan tanah partikelir, yang menarik di tanah ini bahwa tidak semuanya di tanah partikelir Batavia terjadi pemberontakan petani. Dari penelitian penulis dapat diketahui bahwa tidak semua pada tanah partikelir Batavia terjadi pemberontakan, disebabkan lokasi tanah partikelir di Batavia dekat dengan pemerintah pusat. Karena itu masalah keamanan dan kesejahteraan penduduk didalamnya menjadi sorotan pemerintah, yang membuat Pangreh Pradja kinerjanya sangat disorot pemerintah. Hal lainnya yang menyebabkan tidak terjadinya pemberontakan di tanah partikelir adalah: Untuk kasus tanah partikelir Kebayoran, yang diangkat menjadi kepala desa adalah ulama yang dihormati---Abstract This article discusses about the role of pangreh pradja in tanah partikelir Batavia. Most of the experts tend to exposed that Pangreh Pradja had dualism role, on the one hand his role as part of Dutch colonial, on the other hand he also had role as the landlord. That is why he tent to show his attention for the landlord. When the revolt broke out in tanah partikelir, Pangreh Pradja became the victim of the farmer hatred, such as the revolt in Condet and Tangerang. Most of the Batavia were nearly became Tanah Partikelir, where not all the land in Batavia had occured revolution done by farmers. From this article, the writer found that not all tanah partikelir in Batavia had occured revolution. It is becaused the location of tanah partikelir Batavia was near from central government. Therefore, the security and prosperity of people became the main focus of the government, which attract government for Pangreh Pradja role. The other things which avoid revolution in tanah partikelir Batavia: for this case Tanah Partikelir Kebayoran, which was appointed as the head of village was the respected ulama. So that the revolution can be avoided.DOI : 10.5281/zenodo.556798

Nothing less than a revolution! The Dutch prince Hendrik had no doubts about the impact of theSuez Canal, cutting through the isthmus between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. At the end of 1869, having witnessed the opening of this new waterway, the prince remained in Egypt for six weeks to study the possible benefits for Dutch trade and shipping. As one of the driving spirits behind the modernization of the Dutch maritime industry he earned himself the epithet 'the seafarer'. In the following year he played an active role in the founding of theStoomvaart Maatschappij Nederland (SMN), the first Dutch steam shipping line to the Netherlands Indies.

Almost everyone living in the Dutch Republic or its territories in the East in the eighteenth century, who did not belong to a patrician family or to the upper middle class, could be considered 'poor' according to modern standards. In these societies, however, there was one group of people who could be singled out as extremely poor. These people, representing the lowest stratum of society, were the clientele of the poorhouses and poor relief.

It is often claimed that the absence, or bias, of sources makes the writing of a balanced history of women impossible. This kind of reasoning is not new. The same has been propounded about the writing of the history of the proletariat, colonized peoples and other downtrodden groups. When invited to contribute a paper on the women of ancient regime Batavia I was initially strongly reminded of this complaint1. Travel accounts that have come down to us in printed sources yield quite a substantial amount of information, as generations of visitors to early Batavia witnessed and described with astonishment the behaviour of the dark-skinned Portuguesespeaking consorts that made up the female side of Dutch colonial society in Batavia. Without exception their verdict was harsh. Chewing betel nuts, associating with their slavegirls and devoid of any intelligent conversation, not to speak of acceptable table manners, the Batavian daughters formed a laughing stock to European writers. Nothing would be easier than to present an anthology of these, often quite entertaining anecdotes. The dilemma of course that such an account would be one-sided and coloured if it were merely based on descriptions and explanations by males, outsiders who obviously did not belong to the world of women that we intend to study.