When people think of Crusades, they often think of the wars in the Holy Lands rather than regions inside of Europe, which many believe to have already been Christian. The Baltic Crusades began during the Second Crusade (1147-1149) but continued well into the fifteenth century. Unlike the crusades in the Holy Lands which were initiated to retake holy cities and pilgrimage sites, the Baltic crusades were implemented by the German archbishoprics of Bremen and Magdeburg to combat pagan tribes in the Baltic region which included Estonia, Prussia, Lithuania, and Latvia. The Teutonic Order, which arrived in the Baltic region in 1226, was successful in their smaller initial campaigns to combat raiders, as well as in their later crusades to conquer and convert pagan tribes. As an Order that focused on Eastern Europe and the Baltic, the Teutonic Order had to balance their relationship between both the papacy and other Christian kingdoms near the region, particularly the Holy Roman Empire. The Teutonic Order successfully balanced the support of the Holy Roman Empire and the papacy, to become a powerful theocratic state carrying out a mission of conquest and conversion in the Baltic region. Eventually the Teutonic Order, despite its success through the Baltic crusades, would eventually fail in the sixteenth century against a coalition of Mongol, Russian, and Turkish forces.
This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers' mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable. ; This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers' mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable. ; This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers' mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable.
This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers' mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable. ; This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers' mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable. ; This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers' mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable.
The article addresses the problem of the functioning of secular clergymen in the castles of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. Brother priests were to run the religious life of the convents, but there is sufficient evidence showing that non-Teutonic clergymen were also employed to do this job. This group belonged to the category of "servants" (gesinden). It included chaplains of Teutonic officials, chaplains serving in the choir, vicars in infirmaries, deacons, sub-deacons, ringers and alumni. They played auxiliary functions in relation to brother priests, the shortage of whom may be noticeable in the first half of the 15th century. Secular clergymen helped to say the canonical hours in the castle's choirs; however, they acted also as chaplains and notaries of Teutonic commanders, Pflegers or Vogts. They received remuneration for their work for the convents – both in the form of money and maintenance in the castle. Nevertheless, not all secular clergymen lived in the castle. Some of them owned prebendaries in the vicinity of the castle and treated their service in the castle as extra work, which not only provided them with additional income, but also facilitated the career development – as it is indicated in the recommendations of Teutonic officials to take over prebendaries. The service in the castle was often the preliminary step to become a member of the Teutonic Order.
The article addresses the problem of the functioning of secular clergymen in the castles of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. Brother priests were to run the religious life of the convents, but there is sufficient evidence showing that non-Teutonic clergymen were also employed to do this job. This group belonged to the category of "servants" (gesinden). It included chaplains of Teutonic officials, chaplains serving in the choir, vicars in infirmaries, deacons, sub-deacons, ringers and alumni. They played auxiliary functions in relation to brother priests, the shortage of whom may be noticeable in the first half of the 15th century. Secular clergymen helped to say the canonical hours in the castle's choirs; however, they acted also as chaplains and notaries of Teutonic commanders, Pflegers or Vogts. They received remuneration for their work for the convents – both in the form of money and maintenance in the castle. Nevertheless, not all secular clergymen lived in the castle. Some of them owned prebendaries in the vicinity of the castle and treated their service in the castle as extra work, which not only provided them with additional income, but also facilitated the career development – as it is indicated in the recommendations of Teutonic officials to take over prebendaries. The service in the castle was often the preliminary step to become a member of the Teutonic Order.
The history of the Teutonic Knights in Italy is an area of research that during the last two decades has brought new insights and offered new approaches to the study of the Teutonic order as well as other military orders. One of the most interesting aspects of this subject is represented by the existing prosopographical sources about the Teutonic brethren in Italy. The article presents initial results of a wider research on this topic, examining the names of 580 Teutonic knights and priests in Italy from 1202 to 1534. The first part provides some short and general statistical information about questions like the number of brethren, their categories, careers and origins. The second part presents more detailed studies concerning the period from 1365 to 1534, when Italian provinces of the Teutonic Order (Lombardia, Apulia and Sicilia) were no longer ruled by the Grand Master himself but by the Master of Germany (Deutschmeister). The analysis focuses on the geographical and social origins of Italian brethren and their evolution from the 13th century onwards as well as on the career models and options of the Order's brethren and the relations between Teutonic houses in southern and central Germany and the Italian commanderies. The results confirm the existence of a network of contacts between the members of the Order in German and Italy. The network was based on a range of social groups, particularly smaller knightly families of Franconia and Hessen as well as citizens of Frankfurt am Main and Nuremberg. ; The history of the Teutonic Knights in Italy is an area of research that during the last two decades has brought new insights and offered new approaches to the study of the Teutonic order as well as other military orders. One of the most interesting aspects of this subject is represented by the existing prosopographical sources about the Teutonic brethren in Italy. The article presents initial results of a wider research on this topic, examining the names of 580 Teutonic knights and priests in Italy from 1202 to 1534. The first part provides some short and general statistical information about questions like the number of brethren, their categories, careers and origins. The second part presents more detailed studies concerning the period from 1365 to 1534, when Italian provinces of the Teutonic Order (Lombardia, Apulia and Sicilia) were no longer ruled by the Grand Master himself but by the Master of Germany (Deutschmeister). The analysis focuses on the geographical and social origins of Italian brethren and their evolution from the 13th century onwards as well as on the career models and options of the Order's brethren and the relations between Teutonic houses in southern and central Germany and the Italian commanderies. The results confirm the existence of a network of contacts between the members of the Order in German and Italy. The network was based on a range of social groups, particularly smaller knightly families of Franconia and Hessen as well as citizens of Frankfurt am Main and Nuremberg.
The history of the Teutonic Knights in Italy is an area of research that during the last two decades has brought new insights and offered new approaches to the study of the Teutonic order as well as other military orders. One of the most interesting aspects of this subject is represented by the existing prosopographical sources about the Teutonic brethren in Italy. The article presents initial results of a wider research on this topic, examining the names of 580 Teutonic knights and priests in Italy from 1202 to 1534. The first part provides some short and general statistical information about questions like the number of brethren, their categories, careers and origins. The second part presents more detailed studies concerning the period from 1365 to 1534, when Italian provinces of the Teutonic Order (Lombardia, Apulia and Sicilia) were no longer ruled by the Grand Master himself but by the Master of Germany (Deutschmeister). The analysis focuses on the geographical and social origins of Italian brethren and their evolution from the 13th century onwards as well as on the career models and options of the Order's brethren and the relations between Teutonic houses in southern and central Germany and the Italian commanderies. The results confirm the existence of a network of contacts between the members of the Order in German and Italy. The network was based on a range of social groups, particularly smaller knightly families of Franconia and Hessen as well as citizens of Frankfurt am Main and Nuremberg. ; The history of the Teutonic Knights in Italy is an area of research that during the last two decades has brought new insights and offered new approaches to the study of the Teutonic order as well as other military orders. One of the most interesting aspects of this subject is represented by the existing prosopographical sources about the Teutonic brethren in Italy. The article presents initial results of a wider research on this topic, examining the names of 580 Teutonic knights and priests in Italy from 1202 to 1534. The first part provides some short and general statistical information about questions like the number of brethren, their categories, careers and origins. The second part presents more detailed studies concerning the period from 1365 to 1534, when Italian provinces of the Teutonic Order (Lombardia, Apulia and Sicilia) were no longer ruled by the Grand Master himself but by the Master of Germany (Deutschmeister). The analysis focuses on the geographical and social origins of Italian brethren and their evolution from the 13th century onwards as well as on the career models and options of the Order's brethren and the relations between Teutonic houses in southern and central Germany and the Italian commanderies. The results confirm the existence of a network of contacts between the members of the Order in German and Italy. The network was based on a range of social groups, particularly smaller knightly families of Franconia and Hessen as well as citizens of Frankfurt am Main and Nuremberg.
The article examines the condition (composition and functions) of lieges in Nadrovia – Prussian land that was included in the Teutonic order's State in 1277. The research of acts and chronicles allowed the author to define the group of 46 persons, who were obliged to keep military service (to participate in companies against Grand Duchy of Lithuania, defend native lands, built and restore fortifications, etc.). The main part of lieges (44 persons) possessed land estates in size of 1,5–12 huffens. Among Nadrovians, there was a process of social differentiation that appeared in the same forms as in other Prussian lands: accumulation of land property by one person, division of estates, heirless property that appeared in the conditions of reduction of free lands qualified for cultivation. To minimize negative consequences of this process, the Order and the Church gave the permission to use nearest grounds, compensated the loss of the land property, and imposed penalty (vergeld) for the damage to life and health of Prussians. The formation of fief system in Nadrovia as well as appearance of settlements before the Order's conquest was associated with waterways (rivers Pregel, Inster, Agrapp, etc.) that was caused by the significance of this type of communications in this wild district covered by woods. At the same time, in contrast to the settlements of the 10th – 13thcenturies, fiefs concentrated in the western part of Nadrovia due to the formation here of the system of Order's castles as military and administrative centers. By these conditions, the most stable cultivated territories were such lands that were settled before Order's conquest and still tilled after it because near location to the new centers.
The radical amendments to its statutes in 2006 notwithstanding, the Teutonic Order Bailiwick of Utrecht is still defined by its Protestant outlook and its roots in ancient nobility, an identity that dates back nearly four centuries. Between 1615 and 1640, despite having remained Catholic over a remarkably long period, it had broken with the central order in Germany, becoming an institution for Reformed, married noblemen. The admission requirements were four noble quarters and membership of the Reformed church. In this way, the order fitted seamlessly within the structures of the Dutch Republic. In the revolutionary period after 1795, the order sought to survive by keeping a low profile. In 1811 Napoleon dissolved the Bailiwick. After the restoration of Dutch independence, this measure was reversed by King William I. In the new kingdom, adherence to the old admission criteria demarcated the old nobility not only from the new aristocracy, but also from the old Catholic nobility in the South. After the rupture of the kingdom in 1830 and the introduction of the liberal constitution in 1848 – which introduced a parliamentary system, abolished the rights of the aristocracy and brought equality of religions – the Protestant nobility assumed a leading role in the defence of traditional values. Into this picture fits the reinforced Protestant identity of the Bailiwick of Utrecht. In the twentieth century, this identity expressed itself through the increasing importance of its donations policy.
The radical amendments to its statutes in 2006 notwithstanding, the Teutonic Order Bailiwick of Utrecht is still defined by its Protestant outlook and its roots in ancient nobility, an identity that dates back nearly four centuries. Between 1615 and 1640, despite having remained Catholic over a remarkably long period, it had broken with the central order in Germany, becoming an institution for Reformed, married noblemen. The admission requirements were four noble quarters and membership of the Reformed church. In this way, the order fitted seamlessly within the structures of the Dutch Republic. In the revolutionary period after 1795, the order sought to survive by keeping a low profile. In 1811 Napoleon dissolved the Bailiwick. After the restoration of Dutch independence, this measure was reversed by King William I. In the new kingdom, adherence to the old admission criteria demarcated the old nobility not only from the new aristocracy, but also from the old Catholic nobility in the South. After the rupture of the kingdom in 1830 and the introduction of the liberal constitution in 1848 – which introduced a parliamentary system, abolished the rights of the aristocracy and brought equality of religions – the Protestant nobility assumed a leading role in the defence of traditional values. Into this picture fits the reinforced Protestant identity of the Bailiwick of Utrecht. In the twentieth century, this identity expressed itself through the increasing importance of its donations policy.
The radical amendments to its statutes in 2006 notwithstanding, the Teutonic Order Bailiwick of Utrecht is still defined by its Protestant outlook and its roots in ancient nobility, an identity that dates back nearly four centuries. Between 1615 and 1640, despite having remained Catholic over a remarkably long period, it had broken with the central order in Germany, becoming an institution for Reformed, married noblemen. The admission requirements were four noble quarters and membership of the Reformed church. In this way, the order fitted seamlessly within the structures of the Dutch Republic. In the revolutionary period after 1795, the order sought to survive by keeping a low profile. In 1811 Napoleon dissolved the Bailiwick. After the restoration of Dutch independence, this measure was reversed by King William I. In the new kingdom, adherence to the old admission criteria demarcated the old nobility not only from the new aristocracy, but also from the old Catholic nobility in the South. After the rupture of the kingdom in 1830 and the introduction of the liberal constitution in 1848 – which introduced a parliamentary system, abolished the rights of the aristocracy and brought equality of religions – the Protestant nobility assumed a leading role in the defence of traditional values. Into this picture fits the reinforced Protestant identity of the Bailiwick of Utrecht. In the twentieth century, this identity expressed itself through the increasing importance of its donations policy.
This thesis has as its subject matter the chronicles written by members of the Teutonic Order to describe and Justify the crusades undertaken by the Order in Prussia and Lithuania in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It argues that the full importance of this material has been largely ignored or misunderstood by historians and literary historians and hence that its contribution to crusading ideology has not been fully appreciated. It is then argued that the Kronike von Pruzinlant, the most widely disseminated and influential of the chronicles, was written in response to widespread criticism of the crusades and the military orders at the end of the thirteenth and beginning, of the fourteenth centuries, and played an important part in re-establishing the crusading ideal at a time of crisis for the crusading movement. The first section examines the Kronike von Pruzinlant in the context of crusading tradition and contemporary crusading literature and aims to identify the Order's original contributions to crusading ideology. The second section employs a diachronic approach. It demonstrates the Kronike von Pruzinlant's importance by contrasting it with an earlier chronicles the Livlandische Reimchronik, and a later one, the Chronicle of Wigand of Marburg. It also contrasts the two existing versions of the Kronike von Pruzinlant, the Latin original and the vernacular translation, examining the impact made by changes in the vernacular version on the form and purpose of the chronicle. The thesis concludes that the Order made significant contributions to the development of crusading ideology in the fourteenth century. Its development of these ideas reflects its desire to come to terms with the criticisms and difficulties facing the military orders as a whole at this time and points forward to its establishment during the fourteenth century as the foremost centre of crusading warfare in Europe.
The subject of this study is an attempt to determine major matters over which direct relations between the congregation of Cistercian nuns of Zarnovitz (Pol. Żarnowiec) and the Teutonic Order, kept during its rule over Eastern Pomerania. As has been indicated, the grounds for contacts between the cloister and the Teutonic Order were established by the Grand Master or his representatives, in this case the commander of Danzig and the fish master (Fischmeister), based in Putzig. The nature of these contacts were mostly cases regarding the confirmation of borders and the purchases of property. From the point of view of the Teutonic Order, the Cistercian nuns' cloister was in that regard strictly connected with the abbey of Oliwa. In the first half of the 15th century, a certain independence of the prioress can be seen, which is reflected in her direct contacts with the Grand Master. We do not know whether it was a manifestation of the prioress's own initiative undertaken in regard to matters of property, or actions of the Teutonic Order, who may have wanted to loosen the actual relations of the monastery with the abbey of Oliva. Another area of mutual contacts were cases regarding the delineation of properties between the cloister and the Teutonic order and, in particular, resolving border disputes with knights. In these cases, the Teutonic Order acted as an arbitrator. A separate matter was the bestowal by the Grand Master of the right to present the parson in the parish of Putzig to the Cistercian nuns, and the intervention of the Teutonic Order's procurator in Rome regarding the later incorporation of the parish. Alongside issues regarding confirmations of border territories and property purchases of the convent in Zarnowitz, remarks referring to the character of the relationship of the Cistercian nuns with the convent in Oliva are also formulated in this paper, in addition to the significance of the relationship in direct contacts of the prioress and the sisters with the Teutonic Order. ; The subject of this study is an attempt to determine major matters over which direct relations between the congregation of Cistercian nuns of Zarnovitz (Pol. Żarnowiec) and the Teutonic Order, kept during its rule over Eastern Pomerania. As has been indicated, the grounds for contacts between the cloister and the Teutonic Order were established by the Grand Master or his representatives, in this case the commander of Danzig and the fish master (Fischmeister), based in Putzig. The nature of these contacts were mostly cases regarding the confirmation of borders and the purchases of property. From the point of view of the Teutonic Order, the Cistercian nuns' cloister was in that regard strictly connected with the abbey of Oliwa. In the first half of the 15th century, a certain independence of the prioress can be seen, which is reflected in her direct contacts with the Grand Master. We do not know whether it was a manifestation of the prioress's own initiative undertaken in regard to matters of property, or actions of the Teutonic Order, who may have wanted to loosen the actual relations of the monastery with the abbey of Oliva. Another area of mutual contacts were cases regarding the delineation of properties between the cloister and the Teutonic order and, in particular, resolving border disputes with knights. In these cases, the Teutonic Order acted as an arbitrator. A separate matter was the bestowal by the Grand Master of the right to present the parson in the parish of Putzig to the Cistercian nuns, and the intervention of the Teutonic Order's procurator in Rome regarding the later incorporation of the parish. Alongside issues regarding confirmations of border territories and property purchases of the convent in Zarnowitz, remarks referring to the character of the relationship of the Cistercian nuns with the convent in Oliva are also formulated in this paper, in addition to the significance of the relationship in direct contacts of the prioress and the sisters with the Teutonic Order.
The subject of this study is an attempt to determine major matters over which direct relations between the congregation of Cistercian nuns of Zarnovitz (Pol. Żarnowiec) and the Teutonic Order, kept during its rule over Eastern Pomerania. As has been indicated, the grounds for contacts between the cloister and the Teutonic Order were established by the Grand Master or his representatives, in this case the commander of Danzig and the fish master (Fischmeister), based in Putzig. The nature of these contacts were mostly cases regarding the confirmation of borders and the purchases of property. From the point of view of the Teutonic Order, the Cistercian nuns' cloister was in that regard strictly connected with the abbey of Oliwa. In the first half of the 15th century, a certain independence of the prioress can be seen, which is reflected in her direct contacts with the Grand Master. We do not know whether it was a manifestation of the prioress's own initiative undertaken in regard to matters of property, or actions of the Teutonic Order, who may have wanted to loosen the actual relations of the monastery with the abbey of Oliva. Another area of mutual contacts were cases regarding the delineation of properties between the cloister and the Teutonic order and, in particular, resolving border disputes with knights. In these cases, the Teutonic Order acted as an arbitrator. A separate matter was the bestowal by the Grand Master of the right to present the parson in the parish of Putzig to the Cistercian nuns, and the intervention of the Teutonic Order's procurator in Rome regarding the later incorporation of the parish. Alongside issues regarding confirmations of border territories and property purchases of the convent in Zarnowitz, remarks referring to the character of the relationship of the Cistercian nuns with the convent in Oliva are also formulated in this paper, in addition to the significance of the relationship in direct contacts of the prioress and the sisters with the Teutonic Order. ; The subject of this study is an attempt to determine major matters over which direct relations between the congregation of Cistercian nuns of Zarnovitz (Pol. Żarnowiec) and the Teutonic Order, kept during its rule over Eastern Pomerania. As has been indicated, the grounds for contacts between the cloister and the Teutonic Order were established by the Grand Master or his representatives, in this case the commander of Danzig and the fish master (Fischmeister), based in Putzig. The nature of these contacts were mostly cases regarding the confirmation of borders and the purchases of property. From the point of view of the Teutonic Order, the Cistercian nuns' cloister was in that regard strictly connected with the abbey of Oliwa. In the first half of the 15th century, a certain independence of the prioress can be seen, which is reflected in her direct contacts with the Grand Master. We do not know whether it was a manifestation of the prioress's own initiative undertaken in regard to matters of property, or actions of the Teutonic Order, who may have wanted to loosen the actual relations of the monastery with the abbey of Oliva. Another area of mutual contacts were cases regarding the delineation of properties between the cloister and the Teutonic order and, in particular, resolving border disputes with knights. In these cases, the Teutonic Order acted as an arbitrator. A separate matter was the bestowal by the Grand Master of the right to present the parson in the parish of Putzig to the Cistercian nuns, and the intervention of the Teutonic Order's procurator in Rome regarding the later incorporation of the parish. Alongside issues regarding confirmations of border territories and property purchases of the convent in Zarnowitz, remarks referring to the character of the relationship of the Cistercian nuns with the convent in Oliva are also formulated in this paper, in addition to the significance of the relationship in direct contacts of the prioress and the sisters with the Teutonic Order.
