Suchergebnisse

Part two of an interview with Daniel Tata. Topics include: The food Daniel's family prepared and ate while he was growing up. Sunday dinners. What Daniel's father was like. The types of chores Daniel and his siblings did. What the neighborhood Daniel grew up in was like. Important Italian residents in the local area. Differences between first, second, and third generations of Italian Americans. Daniel's aspirations for his life. Being stationed at Pearl Harbor after the attack. ; 1 DANIEL TATA: No, we just talked about that. Yeah, they used to use the wine pressure, or the wine press; they've made a lot of wine, the Italian people, especially at this time of the year with the wine making era. INTERVIEWER: Did your father make wine? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, he always had two or three barrels of wine down the cellar. In fact, that was like water to us, they'd put a bottle every dinner that you had they had a bottle of wine on the table [unintelligible - 00:00:38] like drinking a glass. INTERVIEWER: Even children? DANIEL TATA: Huh? INTERVIEWER: Children too would drink it? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, this was part of the diet, actually. They used to go to school when you'd hear about these Irish kids or English kids saying, "Boy, I had a glass of wine. Boy, did I get drunk!" [Laughter] We said, "You got drunk on wine?" [Laughter] We couldn't believe it, because to us that was part of our diet, actually. Of course in Italy they drank a lot of wine because of the water problems out there. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh. DANIEL TATA: To them it was a natural thing. It was, it was [unintelligible - 00:01:26] got you drunk, you didn't drink as much as that. Not to get drunk, you know when to stop. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: I've always wondered about that, I mean, I don't think even today there's a drinking age in Italy; you can drink anytime. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, it's just a natural thing. It seems to be part of their diet. Then you hear of people drinking and getting drunk and that, but I know to me it never affected me. Because I didn't abuse it like some of them just don't know how, when to stop. But to us we, you had a meal, you had a glass of wine or half a glass. It was [unintelligible - 00:02:17] set up on the table.2 INTERVIEWER: Speaking of the table, what kinds of foods did your mother make? DANIEL TATA: She used to do a lot of baking. She baked her own bread, the pastry. Of course you must have heard of all the pastry that they used to have. The [unintelligible - 00:02:35] and waffles, biscuits, they were very good in cooking. I know. Spaghetti, they mase their own spaghetti, their own ravioli. Then the part of Italy that we came from, they made gnocchi. I don't know if you've heard of that. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh. I love those. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, a lot of food and we don't know what they are. The part I guess that we come from, that was sort of one of the delicacies. INTERVIEWER: Did your mother make macaroni every day? Pasta every day? DANIEL TATA: No, they make enough of it. They dry it up. They'd hang it. [Unintelligible - 00:03:25] Like I said, the food situation didn't bother the Italian people much. They knew how to survive, they knew how to can, they knew how to preserve stuff, I don't know how they did it but I'm surprised they didn't go into the food business. INTERVIEWER: Hmm. That's true. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. When you come to think of the things they used to do, they used to make their own wine, they used to make their own half of the food that they had, they'd can it, [unintelligible - 00:03:57] Street you have a lot of them that [unintelligible - 00:04:07] restaurants. INTERVIEWER: Well, they had the Gondola restaurant? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, The El Camino, Monty's. INTERVIEWER: Now, did your family eat differently on Sundays? DANIEL TATA: Sundays was the homemade and chicken day. They would make a chicken and cook homemade, more or less. And they usually, they'd invite their relatives too, some of them. Somebody only 3 was a couple or something like that. You invite them over for a Sunday dinner. INTERVIEWER: Your mother must have had a very large table, to serve all those people. DANIEL TATA: Oh yeah, there was always a party. I used to call it the house of the party. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: House of the party. DANIEL TATA: [Laughter] Everybody sat around the table. My father being on one end, my mother being on the other end. INTERVIEWER: Was your father served first? DANIEL TATA: No. Well, they used to have pots. I don't know if you ever remember the table pots, they never, they have scoop and they'd scoop out if it was soup or a bean supper or something like that, even scoop a portion for you. He would cut the bread or break the chicken up so everybody would have a piece of it. He was almost like what they call the master of the house in those days. INTERVIEWER: What was he like? What was your father like? DANIEL TATA: He was, he was very…he was a comedian actually. INTERVIEWER: Really? DANIEL TATA: He always had stories to tell. In fact our whole neighborhood used to come over the house at night because he was always telling stories. INTERVIEWER: What kinds of stories? DANIEL TATA: Things that he did while he was in the Italy or while he was out here. Friends that he was with and what they did. INTERVIEWER: So do you remember any stories from Italy? DANIEL TATA: Yeah. He was always telling a story about jumping over the moon. People was wondering, what are you talking about? How you gonna get up to the sky to jump over the moon? He said, "Well, the birds fly don't they?" [Laughter] Yeah, like I said, he was actually a comedian inside, I can remember. He always played 4 with his kids too, you know. In fact he put a tent around our house so we wouldn't run out in the streets and things like that. INTERVIEWER: What was your mother like? DANIEL TATA: My mother was industrious. She was always making sure that we did our homework, or did your studies, you know. She was always busy making meatballs or something, you know, preparing the week's menu, I guess, or what. INTERVIEWER: And did all of you have chores to do around the house? DANIEL TATA: Well, we didn't call it chores. We called it more or less of helping. Whatever had to be done in the house, you have to do it. You have to sweep the floor or you have to pick up all the clothes left in the bedroom. They had a lot of clothes in those days. [Laughter] We'd take care of the house, or take care of the furnace. Everybody had something to do. INTERVIEWER: So you all pitched in and… DANIEL TATA: We all pitched in. Then if you went to work then you didn't do anything. That was your free time. INTERVIEWER: So you must have gotten more free time when you got the printing press down in the basement? DANIEL TATA: Oh yeah, I always had some one of my brothers to get down and help me. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: That wasn't fair. DANIEL TATA: [Laughter] They got wiser and they said, "Oh, you're making money and I'm not getting any of it?" [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So, was there boys' work and girls' work in the house? DANIEL TATA: Girls did the housework. They'd do the ironing and help the mother do the washing. INTERVIEWER: What about the boys? DANIEL TATA: The boys were, like I said, they'd go out around the neighborhood and see if they could get something to do to get some money. That's one thing that we learned when we were kids. [Laughter]5 Is how to earn the nickel so that we can go to the movies because you couldn't ask your father because your father doesn't make that much? INTERVIEWER: Now did…? I'm sorry, go ahead. DANIEL TATA: But somehow I always managed to earn a quarter or earn a dime, which, which in those days was a lot of money, that's all you needed then. The movies were five cents, I guess, in those days, then they used to have matinee specials where they have a chum night day where for a dime you take somebody with you, a companion or a friend. INTERVIEWER: Did you grow up on Lincoln Terrace? DANIEL TATA: No, Cedar Street. Yeah. Well, it was between the Italian area and the French area. Mostly Irish where we were. The Reagans, the Fagans, the Burnses. Yeah, we were, I think we were about two Italian families on that street. But further away, about a hundred yards away there was the Italian area, but mostly were the Irish, the [unintelligible - 00:10:38]. Yeah, they had a farm there too. A little farm. One of the [Lilmoores]. Yeah, he had ducks, horses. We used to go there and help him. He'd give us a quarter or a dollar or something. Sometimes we did a lot of work. INTERVIEWER: Well, since you were Italian, did you find yourself going into the Italian section more? DANIEL TATA: Well, your friends were there. Let's put it that way. The Irish, the Irish kids always called you names. They'd call you guinea or wop. "What are you doing over here, you wop?" [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Was that more good natured or was that, did they mean it? DANIEL TATA: Well, it was a kidding thing, but you took it, you resented it, you know. They would call the French kids frogs. INTERVIEWER: I never understood that. Where does that come from? DANIEL TATA: I don't know. Frog. I mean, what's a frog? Frog? They don't have any frogs in France, do they? Or they eat frogs? [Laughter]6 INTERVIEWER: Ahh! Maybe that's why. Frog legs, right? DANIEL TATA: Probably that was it, but they used to call the French frogs; have you heard that too? INTERVIEWER: I've heard that. Uh-huh. DANIEL TATA: The wops or guineas or… INTERVIEWER: So did you hear that a lot? DANIEL TATA: We did that for a long time, yeah. Yeah, because that was way back in the Depression days, you know. And we weren't too many in the area, so they resented us coming in I guess. There was always street fights. INTERVIEWER: Were there? DANIEL TATA: [Laughter] They were harmless, but there was street fights, you know, because you resented being called names. INTERVIEWER: Were there gangs in that time? You know, gangs of Irish or gangs… DANIEL TATA: Well, we had baseball teams. Gangs, we'd gang up and play against the Irish or French. Sandlot, you know, sandlot games, a lot of those. We didn't have any coaches in those days or a Little League or minor league and stuff like that; you did everything on your own. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh. DANIEL TATA: If you had a baseball team you'd pick the team. You didn't have anybody to tell you, "Well, you're not gonna play today because you didn't hit yesterday." [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So did you eventually become friends with other ethnic groups? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, we went to school together. Little by little those things just disappear, you get to be friends. They'd invite us to their house or they like the sandwich that your mother makes. There was a lot of that. You know, exchange of food. "Hey, I'll give you a piece of pie if you go get me a piece of salami."7 [Laughter] "My mother made some beef stew. See if you got some spaghetti over there." That was common. Switching dishes. INTERVIEWER: So your parents and their parents must've seen you mingling a little bit. Did it bother them at all? DANIEL TATA: No, they stood their ground. Most of them were professional people, they had the better jobs, let's put it that way. They worked in the post office or they were policemen or firemen. That's where the stuff about getting together and see how we can get those jobs too came about. There was a lot of that, you know. You started to [unintelligible - 00:14:36] "Hey, how come O'Donnell there, Francis over there, he's a cop, he works in the post office. I'm still shoveling dirt." They didn't like that. There was a lot of that going on. INTERVIEWER: Did they receive any help from let's say the Irish community or French community? DANIEL TATA: No, it was a hard barrier there. It was hard to crash that barrier. About, you know, getting those jobs or becoming teachers or things like that. A lot of the girls wanted to, that time there used to be the normal schools, Fitchburg State used to be known as the Teachers Normal School or something like that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, I can't remember exactly but I think it had both of that. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, that was actually for teachers, training teachers. And while the younger ladies, they wanted to go to school, didn't know how to get there. That's why a lot of these other things came by assistance from people that knew different things. Some of the more educated Italians started to advise us about different things. INTERVIEWER: So when you say better educated, do you mean these were the children of the immigrants? Or even the immigrants themselves would advise you? DANIEL TATA: Even the immigrants themselves. Some of them had gone to the higher classes and most of the, well a lot of the fellows that came 8 over here were only 14, 15 years old. They didn't perform their school obligations. They just hit the trail to make money, I guess. Those that came later with more educated, and they were sad to see what their people were doing. There must be a better way out of this, you know, the Italians say. And then they started to see that they had all these different clubs and all. And some of them tried to group those people together and tried to see what was going on in the political structure. They found out that that was the part that they were missing. INTERVIEWER: So who were the real leaders when you were growing up in the Italian community? DANIEL TATA: Well, the names that I recall was the [Palumbos], the [Bartimos], [Itsis], the [Peleccias], the [Donfros], the Rossis, the [Tragias], then they had a lot of them, they had stores up in town, like Monty's. Yeah, he started off in the fruit business and he ended up with Monty's Garden. They had the [Valeris]. INTERVIEWER: So what gave them the stature for you to look up to them? DANIEL TATA: Well, we listened to them, not looked up to them but we listened to what they had to say, you know. Some of them, like Mr. Palumbo there, he was very in tuned about your heritage, you know. Figuring that you are Italian, you should be able to speak the Italian language. He was one of the ones that instituted that at the high school. Little by little we had lawyers coming to the area, Italian lawyers. But they came from other areas, they moved in there in this area because they didn't have any Italian lawyers and things like that. INTERVIEWER: So was Palumbo, was he one of the founders of the Italian civic [unintelligible - 00:19:06]? DANIEL TATA: I think he was. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh.9 DANIEL TATA: Like I said, when I got into it, it was after the war. A lot of the prior records were lost, somewhere along the line somebody lost them. INTERVIEWER: Now is Palumbo one of the people who gave… did they give scholarships [unintelligible - 00:19:28]? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, he instituted a program where all the Italian clubs would contribute to the scholarship that he had set up. We had a school counselor on the school committee, Dr. [Cotalbo] to help him fund the scholarship at the high school. Get them to get the Italian language class going. INTERVIEWER: That's still going on today? DANIEL TATA: No, that disbanded after the clubs started to disappear, because then we had nobody to contribute to it. So the Italian clubs did that for a while until they were running out of money; then they had to more or less stop that part. And then I guess they started to expand the class but for some reason or other they stopped the Italian language class because of the shortage in money or something. That probably was it. But I used to do mostly the writing and soliciting for Mr. Palumbo to get the money from the other people. INTERVIEWER: The writing and the printing too. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. [Laughter] That was part of it. [Laughter] But they had quite a few of the kids that went on to college and took that Italian course. And [Tenuzzi] he became the education director in the state. Yeah, they had quite a crew of them. When I look at the book there's a lot of those names there. The kids that were going to school they did pretty good in the education field. INTERVIEWER: Is that Robert…? DANIEL TATA: Robert, yeah. There was [unintelligible - 00:21:39], there was quite a few of them. But you'd have to go through that book to see when it actually started.10 INTERVIEWER: You were talking about the Italians, how they helped each other if they were from the same village or region. DANIEL TATA: Right, that's why they had so many different clubs. Because everybody that came from a certain district of Italy formed their own society, so they could help each other. A lot of them never had insurance policies; they didn't know what banking was or things like that. And they'd protect them from their work if they lost their job or got sick they would get a benefit from the society that they belonged because they used to pool some money. It wasn't much, but they got some kind of a stipend from the organizations. And every little community of Italy had their own little society that they used to call them, if you came from Abruzzi the Abruzzi club or [Cathenia] the [Cathenia] club, Roman, the Roman club. Wherever they came from they called themselves by that name. INTERVIEWER: There doesn't seem to be many [Calibrese] in this area. DANIEL TATA: No, but they had a society, Abruzzi they used to call it, [Calibrese] Abruzzi [Cathenio] club. Then they had the [Forgia] club; that was way down the bottom of Italy. Then they had the San de Maria club, that was our club that came closer to Rome. And they had the Roman club, Yolanda. And they had the Napolitanas, of Naples. Everybody in their own area had one of those clubs around. INTERVIEWER: Do you think that people felt closer when they were part of the same region? DANIEL TATA: They could talk to each other. They knew each other, so their communication was more in their sphere. INTERVIEWER: But that must have been within the Italian community. Outside of the Italian community everyone just thought of probably Italian. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. You are Italian. Well, sometimes they would call you [Cathenio] or "Hey, Abruzzi!" INTERVIEWER: Really, outside of the community?11 DANIEL TATA: Or Saladini Lamarche, you come from lamarche, something like that. Or your area don't know anything, or something like that. Or these guys come from [unintelligible - 00:24:40], they're down the boot, they're farmers, you know. [Laughter] They try to degrade each other or elevate each other. In fact I'm better than you because I come from the city, you know. You come from the cow country or the wine country. INTERVIEWER: Now, do you find the next generation, do they more consider themselves just Italian or have they tried to… do they try to recapture that regional sense, like the, what did you call them, pasan, when you're from the same… DANIEL TATA: Provincia. INTERVIEWER: No, paisan… didn't you say your father… DANIEL TATA: Paisan. INTERVIEWER: Paisan, yeah. DANIEL TATA: Paisan, that's friend or province. You're a paisan, you're from my area. INTERVIEWER: But is that diluted now with each generation? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, this generation's kind of disbanded those situations, they're Italians, you know, and then a lot of them now they're Americanized. They figure they're the second or third generation of Italian. INTERVIEWER: You know what surprises me is grandchildren of immigrants typically don't even know which region they were from. DANIEL TATA: Right, yeah. Well, that's because that was kept away from them, you know. The following generation from the immigrant generation never exposed their generation. Like my generation never fulfilled the obligation to telling my kids, well, your father or mother or your grandfather had a hard time. INTERVIEWER: Why is that?12 DANIEL TATA: Because your success was a lot different from theirs. You made it, they had a hard time making it. And then you got educated, they didn't. Education had a lot to do with it. You inspired yourself to do a lot of things besides what you really are, you know. INTERVIEWER: So let we understand now, do you feel like maybe your generation didn't fulfill their obligation… DANIEL TATA: Right. They didn't pass it on or they didn't impose on it more than they should have. Let them know that what we did wasn't easy. We had to fight our way up. They don't seem to realize what you did or I did, you know. You're probably in the same generation as I am, you know. Your exposure to life was different than theirs. Theirs is easier. We made $20, $30; they're making thousands of dollars working. So they got a better life than we had. We had to, well, we saved before we bought a house; they just buy it. They have a different concept of life. INTERVIEWER: So you were saying how Italians helped themselves; do you see the new immigrant group moving into Leominster doing that same thing? DANIEL TATA: Those that come from Italy do; but those that are here don't. INTERVIEWER: What do you mean? DANIEL TATA: The people who are still migrating from foreign countries or from Italy they seem to be closer to one another than we are. Because I guess they feel that they were intruding, they're still intruding and we're here. We know what's it all about. INTERVIEWER: What was your hardest experience in life? DANIEL TATA: My hardest experience was trying to go to school when I was growing up. Like I told you, my mother insisted on us going to school, but they didn't have the resources to send us to school. But we did it more one way or another. More or less found a way in doing it. Maybe we didn't do what we really wanted to do but we got part of it anyway.13 INTERVIEWER: What did you really want to do? DANIEL TATA: I don't know, I just… it's hard to say. But I was always ambitious anyway. Somewhere or other I says I'm not gonna work for somebody, I'm gonna work for myself and that's what I aspired to do. Probably in all my life I only worked for two or three people. A lot of people just want a job, you know. If they get a job, they'll have security. I say well, you can do it that way. You can be a cop if you want, but I'm gonna go in business, see if I can make it. And there was a lot of them in my sense of thinking. Then a lot of them just wanted security, you know. Which was their problem if they wanted it; once they found out how to get it they went for it. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever consider moving? DANIEL TATA: I did once. I wanted to see what the other part of the world was, yeah. That's why I joined that force that went over to Pearl Harbor; after the bombing they were looking for volunteers to go and work at the shipyard out there. INTERVIEWER: And you left? DANIEL TATA: So I left. INTERVIEWER: So that was just before you got married then? DANIEL TATA: I got married just before I left. INTERVIEWER: Oh, you got married before you left? DANIEL TATA: Yeah… I was there two years, then the war ended. I got drafted out there. INTERVIEWER: So you volunteered, it had nothing to do with the service? DANIEL TATA: Well, it was part of the manpower program they called it. They needed a lot of people to go over there and rebuild the destruction that they had there, right after the bombing and things like that they were calling for construction workers. Well, they had a unit they call the CBs, the civilian battalion. But after a while they militarized that unit. But I was in the manpower group; we went over there to work actually, to work for the Navy department.14 Repaired the ships, repaired the planes, the carriers, and all the stuff that was destroyed there. But I was young when I was there so they had to draft me, they drafted me. So I stayed there. INTERVIEWER: So did you ever come back? DANIEL TATA: I came back after the war, yeah. And then when my father died I came back for a short time, then I had to go back to fill out my obligation. INTERVIEWER: But when you went over to Pearl Harbor that was 1942? DANIEL TATA: It was '44. I had to sign up for two years. In '43 I was over in California, [unintelligible - 00:32:53] Island training for the job that I was going to do. Whenever repairing jobs that we had to do, we had to be trained for it. So we'd stay in California Navy yards and work around there. INTERVIEWER: So was the devastation still…? DANIEL TATA: It was still there you know, yeah. The Arizona was really visible then. You could see the bow sticking out of the water, you know, how it was. And they told us how many bodies were there. They made one attempt to try to raise it, then I guess the admiral figured it would be better to leave it there and make a tomb out of it, and that's what they did. They encircled it with a platform of cement. I guess now it's a shrine. People go there, walk around it. But there was a lot of devastation there. Real stuff, there are places they never even mentioned, like Schofield Barrack, the airfield that they had destroyed. They leveled it right down, plane after plane. You wouldn't believe it if you didn't see it. And they never mentioned that; I don't know why. INTERVIEWER: You must have been so surprised when you landed and saw it. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, well we were close to it because our barracks where we slept and bathed was next to that airfield. Hickam field, they called it. INTERVIEWER: So explain to me, can you remember? First of all, did you come on a Navy ship?15 DANIEL TATA: Yeah we did, we went over on one of the Navy ships. Yeah, we went in with the troops actually. There was about 2000 sailors going over there to replace the ones that got destroyed or died, replenish the troops you know. INTERVIEWER: So explain to me what it was like when you landed and saw this with your own eyes. DANIEL TATA: I didn't have to realize what war was. But after a while you just take it for granted. It was still a military zone; it was under martial law. There were lot of things you couldn't go to, a lot of place you couldn't do. We were restricted to certain areas, because they didn't know whether they were coming back or what. That was the height of the war was in '42. After that they started to make grounds. Part of the stuff they needed was back in position. They got their fleet backs together and things like that. But there was a lot of that stuff going on, repairing mostly. Getting the damage over with. It took a while, but they succeeded. INTERVIEWER: That must've been satisfying work. DANIEL TATA: Oh yeah, you were accomplishing something. Then you met everybody. A lot of the people that were in the service came over, "Hey Danny, what are you doing here?" [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: You mean you met people from this area? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, I met a lot of them. And I'd take them over to the barracks and they couldn't get, a lot of them like to drink you know, have a beer or have a shot of whisky or something. They didn't have that stuff but we had what they call a liquor card, we were entitled to one bottle of whisky a week. So we celebrated. INTERVIEWER: Bet they were happy they ran into you. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: So now, after working there for a period… what did you do, sign up for a period of time? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, we had to sign up for two years.16 INTERVIEWER: And then you came home after that? DANIEL TATA: Well, they wanted me to stay there because everybody was going home and there was still a lot of things to do. They had what they call deactivation. Bringing everything back to civilian life. INTERVIEWER: What do you mean by that? They brought you back to civilian life? DANIEL TATA: Right. Well, not only us but the community too because that was a war zone, you know. INTERVIEWER: So when you left after two years did another group come in? DANIEL TATA: They had other groups come in, but they went to Japan or a lot of a lot of islands that were destroyed, too, had to be maintained and restructured. A lot of them there were in the construction field. Went over and rebuilt a lot of the buildings, a lot of the devastation. Things that happened. Then the Hiroshima, they had a group that went there; I wouldn't sign up for that one. I didn't want to get that radiation. They would tell you what it was all about, you know. I said, "That's not for me." I says, "I was here two years, let somebody else do that." INTERVIEWER: So when you came home then you were drafted? DANIEL TATA: I was drafted while I was there, second year… first year that I was there, so I would stay there. They figured if I was just a civilian I may want to go home you know. So they said [unintelligible - 00:39:02] so we're gonna draft you and you stay here. INTERVIEWER: Were you allowed to stay at home in 1944 when you returned? DANIEL TATA: No. INTERVIEWER: No? DANIEL TATA: No, I had to go back because I was still under military orders. They called it at the convenience of the government. I'm gonna show you my… discharge paper, I still have them. INTERVIEWER: I'll look at it after, but… so you went back to Pearl Harbor and worked there for another how long?17 DANIEL TATA: To finish out my time. But after my time was over, well, I had a chance to take my wife over. INTERVIEWER: Oh! DANIEL TATA: They were gonna give me an apartment or a cottage, what they call a naval [unintelligible - 00:39:56]. They had an area where all the workers could stay. And if you were married and had children and you needed a house they would furnish it for you. If you stayed there and signed up for the period of time that they wanted you. INTERVIEWER: So did you do that? Did you bring your wife over? DANIEL TATA: No, she didn't want to come. INTERVIEWER: No? DANIEL TATA: No. Better stayed there. INTERVIEWER: You mean stayed there after. DANIEL TATA: Right. INTERVIEWER: After you got discharged? DANIEL TATA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: What did you do with your printing business while this was happening? DANIEL TATA: My brother was supposed to be running it, but he never did. INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:40:43] DANIEL TATA: Yeah, I left it to him. I had a… I was doing work for that [unintelligible - 00:40:48] company, I had a set job for him, all he had to do is go in there, push the button and start the machine and they burned out the [unintelligible - 00:40:57] out of the machine, him and my younger brother. That one they hired, they didn't know what to do, how to fix the machine, so they just abandoned it and they lost the contract. INTERVIEWER: Okay. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, I fixed it myself. All you have to do is come in here, the die is all set, and they have the same cards all the time. All you do is 18 just feed the machine. It was automatic, because I bought an automatic machine. INTERVIEWER: So was that on Mechanic Street? DANIEL TATA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: So what did they do – just closed up the shop? DANIEL TATA: Yes, they just closed up and they had money in the bank to pay for the rent. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So you came back. DANIEL TATA: I come back and it was a disaster. INTERVIEWER: Now what year did you come back? DANIEL TATA: '46. INTERVIEWER: So you just… DANIEL TATA: August '46, it was the end of the year too. So I had my work cut out for me. INTERVIEWER: So you had to start all over. DANIEL TATA: Start all over. My brothers. [Unintelligible - 00:42:09] and nobody would tell me anything. INTERVIEWER: Oh, so you didn't even know while you were gone? DANIEL TATA: No. INTERVIEWER: Not even your wife? DANIEL TATA: My wife gave him the checkbook. I said, "Rita, this is what I got coming from the different people that owe me money. Take it and deposit it in the bank and pay off the bills [unintelligible - 00:42:34] so she turned around and gave it to my brother. INTERVIEWER: I imagine it took a while before you forgave him. DANIEL TATA: Well, I wasn't in an arguing mood; I was ready to start all over again. INTERVIEWER: You had to start over in '46 and then again in '54, after the fire. Just one more question, how did it feel to be…/AT/jf/fh/sg

This monograph aims to analyze the economic and business history of colonial India from a corporate perspective by clarifying the historical role of institutional developments based on archival evidence of a representative enterprise. The perspective is distinctively unique in that it highlights the salience of corporate-level institutional responses to explain the causes of colonial India's industrial growth, in addition to two renowned perspectives focusing on government economic policy or factor endowment. One of the driving forces of India's high growth rate since the 1980s is the expansion of modern business corporations whose origins date back to the colonial era in the mid-nineteenth century. This monograph explores the historical foundation of the growth of such corporations in colonial India, guided by a substantial collection of documents of Tata Iron and Steel Company, whose rich records have not received the due attention they have long deserved. As clarified by numerous economic and business historians of leading industrialized countries since the works of Douglass North and Alfred Chandler, this study as well proposes that the development of modern business corporations in colonial India was broadly supported by the reciprocal evolution of economic institutions and corporate organizations. Adding a new perspective to the business and economic history of colonial India, the analysis also provides an important case study of the development of corporate business in the non-Western world to the study of global business history

Teenage Tata provides a fresh and in-depth portrait of impoverished young South African men who became fathers while teenagers. It provides space for their articulate and impassioned voices to be heard amidst the outcry against the absence of fathers, and offers insights into young fathers' personal, emotional, financial and cultural struggles as they come to terms with fatherhood. The study highlights young fathers' strong sense of responsibility; poignant accounts of emotional engagement with their children and the women in their lives; the motivating power of young fathers' own absent fathers on their parenting intentions; their desire for sex-and relationship-education from male family members and their clear recognition of the help they need. Based on a multi-interview qualitative study in the informal settlements and townships around Cape Town and Durban, this monograph offers methodological innovations and showcases how social network interviews offer great potential for both research and intervention

The Compilation of Islamic Law of Indonesia contains Islamic rules according to the conditions of Indonesian Muslims. The Compilation was formulated, among other things, by adopting an eclectic approach towards sunni schools of Islamic law (Madzahib al-Fiqh) and legal opinions (fatwa) of Indonesian Islamic scholars (ulama). It is now used by the judges in the religious courts as the substantive law in adjudicating Islamic family law cases: marriage, inheritance, and Islamic trust (waqf). Despite its deliberate drafting process, the Compilation is problematic to be a positive law in Indonesia especially after the enactment of Law No. 12 of 2011 concerning the establishment of statutes. This is because the Compilation was passed by means of the Presidential Instruction (or now decree) No. 1 of 1991. The format of Presidential Decree is not listed in the hierarchy of law in Indonesia either prior to or after the promulgation of Law No. 12 of 2011. This article aims to analyze the status of the Compilation as the positive law in Indonesia after the promulgation of Law No. 12 of 2011 and what measures can be taken by the government to elevate its status. It argues that the President can initiate to change the Compilation legal basis from Presidential Decree to Government Regulation in Lieu of Law. In following year, the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law can be passed as an Act. When it is an Act, the Compilation is officially effective and binding in Indonesia.

The city of Manado is one of the emerging cities in the province of North Sulawesi and one of theimportant tasks of the government in supporting regional development is the handling of unemploymentcurrently faced. One of the programs run by the Manado City Labour Office is a training program forthe Tata boga, this program aims to help housewives who do not have jobs that have the opportunity toopen their own business in order to increase the income of their family. Therefore, this study aims toanalyze the capability of the implementing officers of the Tata boga training program at the Departmentof Labor.To analyze the data using the capability theory approach from Hersey and Blanchard (2006: 20)covering 1) technical skill; 2) social skills (social skills); 3) conceptual skills (conceptual skills).The results of this study and discussion found that the basic skills of the executing apparatus arenot optimal, the ability of the technique is good enough, the social ability is also very good, but theconceptual ability is still low due to lack of conceptual mastery of an organization from theimplementation of the program Tata boga so monitoring of the participants Tata boga training is notdone thoroughly but only some participants. From this research can be drawn the conclusion that theability of officers of training program Tata boga program at the Manado city Labour Office has notbeen maximized due to: the absence of monitoring or monitoring of the implementing officers of allparticipants who attended the Tata boga program training but only part of the monitored the groupparticipants Tata boga formed during the training so it cannot be seen how many who develop and donot develop knowledge and assistance obtained from the Manado City Labour Office.Keywords: Ability, apparatus, training

ABSTRAKMasyarakat Kecamatan Bogor Selatan pada umumnya bergerak di bidang industri kecil atau usaha rumah tangga yang tumbuh cukup pesat. Pada Kelurahan Cikaret sebagian besar masyarakat memiliki usaha industri kerajinan sepatu dan sendal, yang memanfaatkan ruang pada rumah hunian sebagai ruang usaha industri. Dalam kondisi seperti itu secara langsung yang terlibat bekerja adalah anggota keluarga seperti ayah, ibu dan anak serta ada partner kerja selain keluarga. Apabila kegiatan usaha dilaksanakan didalam rumah dan melibatkan beberapa orang sebagai partner kerja maka akan berpengaruh pada penataan ruang dan juga tingkat privasi dan kenyamanan penghuni rumah. Penelitian ini dilakukan pengambilan data dengan kuesioner dan wawancara langsung terhadap penghuni dan rumah dengan usaha industri. Dari penelitian ini nantinya akan dihasilkan beberapa standar ruang untuk rumah usaha industri sandal dan sepatu karet serta beberapa pola tata ruang rumah usaha berdasarkan preferensi masyarakat Kelurahan Cikaret. Hasil penelitian ini dapat menjadi salah satu acuan bagi masyarakat atau pemerintah apabila akan melakukan pembangunan atau revitalisasi rumah industri di Kelurahan Cikaret. ABSTRACTThe community Kecamatan Bogor South in generally moves in the field of small industry or home industries in growing rapidly .On the cikaret the majority of the community has a business the industry shoes and sendal , who use space of occupancy as space industry .Under such conditions directly involved work is family members like father , mother and child and there are partner work except the family .When business activities carried out in the house and involved some as a partner work so it would affect in a pattern of spatial plan and as well as the level privacy and comfort the inhabitants of the house . This research was undertaken data retrieval with questionnaires and interviews directly against house occupant and with industrial undertakings. From the study will be produced some standard room for a house industry sandals and shoes karet and some pattern spatial house business based on urban village community preference cikaret.The result of this research could be one of reference for public or government when is set to build or revitalization house industries in urban village cikaret.

In general, the implementation of MSMEs has not implemented good organizational governance, especially in the principles of transparency and accountability. This study aims to examine and analyze the roles and responsibilities of stakeholders, especially the owners and managers of MSMEs in implementing organizational governance, in the city of Surabaya. This research is an exploratory study with survey design. Population and sample of this study took UMKM in the city of Surabaya. The results of this study can be concluded that the principle of transparency as a whole has not been realized properly. On the principle of accountability related to responsibility in compiling reports on organizational activities and the implementation of monitoring and evaluation of the work of employees can be said to be quite good. While the principle of responsibility as a whole is said not to materialize. On the principle of independence, the authority to coordinate daily operational tasks does not materialize. And on the principle of reasonableness indicates that there are still management interventions from the owner / family

<p>Corporate governance implies how an organization is directed and controlled under a set of mission, values, and philosophy (Cadbury, 1992). But unfortunately, over time, the common investors all over the globe have suffered a lot in the hands of the greedy managers and scams like Enron, Adelphia, Tyco, Worldcom, Xerox, Paramalt, and Satyam have shattered the trust in the very mechanism of corporate management and governance. However, despite a lot of initiatives had been taken around the world in the form of codes/laws for ensuring good governance for corporate sector, the issue of governance practices of family enterprises operating in India had not been discussed in detail. But, in view of the contribution of the family enterprises to Indian Economy over the years, a renewed interest on their governance mechanism is the need of the hour. Starting from Tata to Birla, Ambani, Goenka, Ruia, Mittal etc. Corporate India had a long heritage of domination of family governed firms. They contribute significantly towards economic growth of the country, employment generation, boosting up Gross Domestic Production as well as accumulation of foreign reserve through growth in export and also engaged into cross border Merger and Amalgamations. However, time and again the issues of governance and succession policy had perturbed the smooth sailings of these family governed firms in India. Recent examples like clash between Ambani brothers, inheritance issues in Birla clan proved that case. Against this backdrop the present study is a humble attempt to enquire the state of affairs of corporate governance in major family governed firms in India.</p>

This article discusses transformations in local politics in Indonesia after the Reformasi 1998, focusing on the situation in Banten province. It describes how one family, that of Chasan Sochib, has utilized strong kinship networks, exploited state resources, and captured the local bureaucracy to strengthen its political machinery and consolidate political power in the local arena. It shows the rise of family domination in local politics and over economic resources, especially when public policy is crafted to reflect the interests of the family rather than those of the people. It suggests that despite the rhetoric of good governance at the national level, local politics is an important locus to analyze the unequal distribution of power and resources in Indonesia during the last 14 years of efforts to democratize.Makalah ini membahas perubahan politik lokal pasca 1998 dengan fokus situasi di satu provinsi muda, yaitu Banten. Diutarakan bagaimana keluarga Chasan Sochib menggunakan jaringan kekerabatan yang kuat, mengeksploitasi sumber daya negara, dan menggunakan birokasi guna memperkuat mesin politik dan mengkonsolidasi kekuasaan politik di aras lokal. Menguatnya dominasi keluarga dalam politik lokal dan atas sumber daya ekonomi ini ditempuh lewat kebijakan publik yang disusun sebagai cerminan kepentingan keluarga, daripada kepentingan masyarakat. Meskipun tata kelola pemerintahan yang baik di tingkat nasional kerap didengungkan, situasi politik lokal tetap penting dalam melihat ketidakmerataan distribusi kekuasaan dan sumber daya selama 14 tahun upaya demokratisasi di Indonesia.

AbstractProstitution is a negative thing. For those who undergo these activities are considered scum of society. But in a certain sense, the existence of prostitution is considered a positive thing. Because the presence of prostitution is able to impact on the prevention of rape. In addition, prostitution activities are also tolerated for reasons of economic factors, whether it is the fulfillment of the economic needs of the family, or other people whose work by utilizing the existence of the prostitution practice. In Banyuwangi Regency, there are 14 locations of prostitution localization. Yet, undetected places as the impact of pathological behavior. By the proliferation of activities just precisely open the door of the most vital and deadly diseases, namely HIV / AIDS. Therefore, in order to handle the HAV / AIDS, the Government of Banyuwangi Regency makes a policy in the form of Regent Regulation of Banyuwangi Number: 45 / 2015, About: The Prevention and Control procedure of HIV / AIDS. The existence of the Government policy of Banyuwangi Regency just precisely impact on the progress of HIV / AIDS case that more increased.Keywords: Prostitution, HIV / AIDS, Banyuwangi Regency