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Discusses the crisis within the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) of Ethiopia. The crisis was rooted in the war with Eritrea, when leadership divisions within the TPLF regarding the conduct of war resulted in factionalism. When the TPLF Central Committee split in 2001, a leadership purge -- called a "renewal" -- occurred in the TPLF & its Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), leading to Meles Zenawi's rise to dominance in both entities as dissidents were removed. He initiated reforms cited as a shift away from the EPRDF's Marxist-Leninist origins; however, the highly publicized decentralization program was not a major point of contention in the TPLF, thus, in terms of policies & programs, change has been marginal. In this light, it is contended that political & ideological differences cannot account entirely for the TPLF crisis. The TPLF is then considered in terms of successful peasant-based revolutions to glean points of similarity & difference. It is concluded that the TPLF suffered under the burden of a power struggle between Meles & a dozen of his colleagues, between state elements & the party apparatus, & between Tigray-based TPLF officials & those close to Meles. Evident is a power shift from Tigray to the Addis Ababa central government & from elements of the TPLF Central Committee to the prime minister. Issues of legitimacy & the role of culture in the crisis are touched on. It is concluded that unless Meles can create a broader, pan-Ethiopian power base, his position will remain insecure. This means that as first the TPLF & then the Meles core have effectively merged with the state, the TPLF & state face a crisis of legitimacy. 10 References. J. Zendejas

Founded and led by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) came to power in 1991, after a sixteen-year armed struggle against the military regime that had ruled Ethiopia since 1974. While not formally a marxist-leninist party, the TPLF nonetheless was devoted to these ideals and they figured prominently in the structure and functioning of the organisation. While the TPLF's base represented the peasantry of Tigray, its leadership was dominated by young, radical intellectuals. Itself representing an ethnic group of relatively modest size, the TPLF formed a coalition of ethnically based organisations, the EPRDF, in 1989, to give itself Ethiopia-wide political scope and legitimacy. Once it came to power, the Front faced serious problems of adjustment, but managed to overcome them thanks to the coherence of its programme, the commitment of its cadres, and the cohesiveness of its leadership. In the face of dramatically changed international circumstances, the EPRDF moderated its policies, abandoning marxism and embracing the free market. It weathered an insurrection by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 1992-93, contained Islamist incursions from Sudan and Somalia, won the war against Eritrea (1998-2000), achieved a measure of economic progress, and took large steps towards state decentralisation and smaller ones towards democratisation.

Allgemeine, kaum kritisch hinterfragte Aussagen eines Vertreters des "Tigray People's Liberation Front" (TPLF) zur Entstehung der Organisation, ihrer Ziele und Erfolge sowie ihrer Beziehungen zu anderen Befreiungsbewegungen in Äthiopien, besonders zur "Eritrean People's Liberation Front" (EPLF). (DÜI-Jan)

Political instability is a common phenomenon in developing countries. In countries like Ethiopia where democracy is infant and the ruling government dominates the people by all means; strike, mass protest, demonstration and conflict are common features of the country. The oppressed Amhara people infuriate and revolt against TPLF dominated Ethiopian government. This article tries to investigate the causes of political instability in Amhara region, Ethiopia. The paper is qualitative type and data collected through interview and literature review. The study revealed that, the 1976 manifesto prepared by Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) labeled as the Amhara people number one enemy for the people of Tigray and decided that the Amhara must be controlled and eliminated. Thus, after taking power in 1991, TPLF have been doing all evil things against the Amhara people by using several techniques. This situation angered the Amhara people and political instability erupted across the region to end TPLF oppression.

This article examines the discursive strategies, the ideological dominations and interrelated material tools employed by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in maintaining its rule. It also unravels the hegemonic crisis it has encountered, and the counter-hegemony it has confronted since 2015. Gramscian novelties of historical bloc, hegemony, organic crisis, counter-hegemony, and interregnum, are deployed in order to understand the continuities, ruptures and crises witnessed in Ethiopia's politics for the past thirty years. The article interprets the crisis of the TPLF since the 2015 protests through the prism of organic crises and analyses the counter-hegemonic contestations, the interregnum and the ongoing war since 4 November 2020. The article adds to the recent resurgence of interest in Gramscian perspectives by demonstrating the relevance of Gramscian concepts to the understanding of politics in the states of the global south.

Abstract
The upsurge of TPLF led regime to power installed ethnic politics and deconstruction of Ethiopian history with corporate corruption, ultra-vires and pseudo-federalism. The misappropriations of national assets added with autocratic nature of the regime procreated erratic political oppositions and protests since the party set on to power. The political marginalization at intra-party level also created split, which brought state elites in Amhara and Oromia regions to support the acute popular protest. These political scenarios have compelled TPLF to abscond into Mekelle and the coming of reformist leaders to power in 2018. This paper thus aimed to uncover TPLF's political strategy in post 2018 Ethiopia by employing a qualitative case study with a secondary data obtained from Mass Media, commentaries and digitized outlets. The loss of key political positions and attachment of the regime's wrong deeds to TPLF has bugging its elites after the coming of the new premiership. As counter to the reformist leaders, TPLF undertook huge militarization, destabilization and proxies, inducing popular fear, supporting like-minded regional oppositions to propagandize sensitive political issues to regain its lost prestige. This power rivalry created political absurdism, where political decisions and policies of the reformists had continued to be officially banned by TPLF in a way that disastrously impacted the survival of the state. Thus, it is important to undertake political reconciliation to freeze the prevailing political deadlocks for the continuation of the polity.

On November 2, 2022, the Ethiopian federal government and representatives of the Tigrayan rebels concluded an agreement intended to end the devastating civil war in the region. What some consider to be the world's deadliest active conflict has caused tens of thousands battle-related fatalities and even more civilian victims due to famine and lack of medical service during the last two years. This Spotlight discusses the prospects of the current peace agreement and potential pitfalls that may undermine its stability.