The formation of Syrian opposition coalitions as two-level games
In: The Middle East journal, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 189-210
ISSN: 1940-3461
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In: The Middle East journal, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 189-210
ISSN: 1940-3461
World Affairs Online
Based on extensive field work involving the leading figures of the diverse Syrian National Coalition, an umbrella initiative of opposition groups fighting against the Assad regime, this study critically evaluates the challenges ahead as well as the inherent opportunities for the post-conflict era in Syria
In: International law reports, Band 127, S. 88-93
ISSN: 2633-707X
88International organizations — Immunity — Representatives of Member States — Scope of immunity — United Nations Industrial Development Organization ("UNIDO") Headquarters Agreement, 1967, Article XI — Immunity limited to representatives of Member States "having official business with UNIDO" — Meaning — Question of whether representative acting within scope of activities of UNIDO — Whether dependent on view of UNIDO or sending State — Whether requiring decision of UNIDO recognizing status of person in question as a State representative entitled to diplomatic immunityDiplomatic relations — Special missions — "Ad hoc" mission to international organization — Determination of status — UNIDO Headquarters Agreement, 1967 — Rules of customary international law — Whether such mission capable of coming into existence without consent of international organization concerned — The law of Austria
In: The Middle East journal, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 189-210
ISSN: 1940-3461
This article investigates coalition patterns between two main factions of the Syrian opposition before and after the 2011 uprising. The two factions united over common platforms on several occasions following the 2000 Damascus Spring, but failed to do so in 2011 despite repeated domestic
and international pressure. Drawing upon two-level game theory to explain this change, this article argues that increased interest from both domestic and international audiences after 2011 made the two factions less flexible in negotiating a unified platform. Thus, paradoxically, it was increased
pressure for unification that deterred the opposition factions from unifying.
In: The Middle East journal, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 189
ISSN: 0026-3141
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 40, Heft 4, S. 1011-1042
ISSN: 0022-3816
An analysis of delegate voting behavior in national nominating conventions from 1948 to 1976. A theoretical & empirical problem occurs because much of the literature on national nominating coalition formation uses multiballot convention voting as a test of theory. Yet conventions since 1952 have picked the nominee by the end of the first ballot, a phenomenon many analysts correlate both with the concern politicians have for nominating an election winner & with the rising importance of primaries, polls, & mass media in determining the likely election winner. Explored is the strength of the 'electoral argument.' Nominating politics is viewed as a coalition process involving two overlapping decision arenas: the bargaining arena & the electoral arena. The two arenas are separately described in terms of the behavior expected of rational politicians who strive to maximize pay-offs from a coalition process. Presented are two kinds of data that point to the decline of the bargaining arena & the increased importance of the electoral arena. 5 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified AA.
In: McGill-Queen's refugee and forced migration studies, 2
"Since the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, over 5.6 million people have fled Syria and another 6.6 million remain internally displaced. By January 2017, a total of 40,081 Syrians had sought refuge across Canada in the largest resettlement event the country has experienced since the Indochina refugee crisis. Breaking new ground in an effort to understand and learn from the Syrian Refugee Resettlement Initiative that Canada launched in 2015, A National Project examines the experiences of refugees, receiving communities, and a range of stakeholders who were involved in their resettlement, including sponsors, service providers, and various local and municipal agencies. The contributors, who represent a wide spectrum of disciplines, include many of Canada's leading immigration scholars and others who worked directly with refugees. Considering the policy behind the program and the geographic and demographic factors affecting it, chapters document mobilization efforts, ethical concerns, integration challenges, and varying responses to resettling Syrian refugees from coast to coast. Articulating key lessons to be learned from Canada's program, this book provides promising strategies for future events of this kind. Showcasing innovative practices and initiatives, A National Project captures a diverse range of experiences surrounding Syrian refugee resettlement in Canada."--
In: Journal of global security studies, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 1-20
ISSN: 2057-3189
Insights from the public policy advocacy coalition framework (ACF) may offer richer explanations of the scope and timing of US foreign policy changes toward the Syrian civil war (2011–present) than traditional approaches in foreign policy analysis (FPA). This article surveys the existing FPA literature and then probes the plausibility of a new ACF model of change through case studies of the reluctant engagement of the United States in Syria. Cases shed light on how, despite pronouncements of restraint by Presidents Obama and Trump, the government has armed and trained rebel fighters, deployed thousands of troops to the country, conducted airstrikes against the Islamic State, and moved to counterbalance Iranian influence in the region. This study helps draw connections between competition among rival advocacy coalitions and strategic drift in US foreign policy, including patterns of change and "purposive non-change." The article concludes with a discussion of the added value of the ACF model and details its promise for application in other comparative cross-national contexts.
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of global security studies, Band 6, Heft 1
ISSN: 2057-3189
AbstractInsights from the public policy advocacy coalition framework (ACF) may offer richer explanations of the scope and timing of US foreign policy changes toward the Syrian civil war (2011–present) than traditional approaches in foreign policy analysis (FPA). This article surveys the existing FPA literature and then probes the plausibility of a new ACF model of change through case studies of the reluctant engagement of the United States in Syria. Cases shed light on how, despite pronouncements of restraint by Presidents Obama and Trump, the government has armed and trained rebel fighters, deployed thousands of troops to the country, conducted airstrikes against the Islamic State, and moved to counterbalance Iranian influence in the region. This study helps draw connections between competition among rival advocacy coalitions and strategic drift in US foreign policy, including patterns of change and "purposive non-change." The article concludes with a discussion of the added value of the ACF model and details its promise for application in other comparative cross-national contexts.
World Affairs Online
In: The Adelphi Papers, Band 40, Heft 333, S. 13-32