Suchergebnisse

Describes the twelve-day occupation of the Senate House Library of the University of London by students of the School of Oriental & African Studies (SOAS). The basis for the student action is described -- admission to the library of a portion of students was free, another required payment of fees to gain access -- followed by an explanation for students' focus on the library, the democratic process of the action, the actual vote taken for the action, & of the occupation itself. R. Rodriguez

Since 2011, across the world, young peop1e have occupied buildings, city squares, and streets as part of a wide array of protests. Such experiences attest not only to "the collective power of bodies in public space" (Harvey 2011) but a1so to the significant role played by young people within them. Whether taking place in Tunis, Spain, Chile, or Wall Street, these movements share a commonality in their deeply democratic perspective and organization, putting them at odds with contemporary capitalist politicaI forms. ln Latin America, the occupations with the biggest impact have been those carried out by primary and high school students. Their fame began with La Rebelión Pingüina ("Penguin Revolution"), a Chilean student movement named after the black and white uniforms students wore when protesting on the streets in 2006 as they mobilized for free education and public transportation. The Penguin Revolution triggered Chile's biggest sequence of rallies since the fall of the Pinochet dictatorship and in addition to demonstrations, students also occupied schools (Hernandez Santibafiez 2018). Like othel' Latin American student occupations, Brazilian activists and tudent engaged in new forms Df politicai action. This was characterized by change in decision-making processes meant to promote a less hierarchical organizational model through increasing use Df collective and deliberativt practices. The student movement also sought increased autonomy in relation to conventional politicaI parties, unions, and other traditional politicai institntion . ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

After the UK government announced cuts to higher education and an increase in the tuition fee cap, thousands of students across the country used new media tools to organise peaceful protests at over 35 universities. Although extensive theoretical frameworks about online mobilisation and political action are available, we know very little about how these new informational tools are used in practice. This article provides an overview of the increasingly influential role of the internet in youth politics. Using the case study of the student occupations, it assesses the role of a variety of online tools and methods that were used to coordinate and mobilise young people. The study reveals the extensive use of old and new online platforms and hardware, and the constant blending of offline and online repertoires of participation, which have facilitated a novel way of organising political action. It argues that the student protests were important in demonstrating the potential of new media for political mobilisation, stresses the need to better understand the role of digital tools in political activism and suggests avenues for further research. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of my presentation is to examine the concept of gardening as a cultural construct, and how this concept is created and transformed in picture books from 1968 (the canonical year of student revolt). We often think of the 1970s as the decade when Nordic children's literature became political. But such a judgment may be premature. An analysis might show that this claim only offers a schematic image of the 1970s as the period dismissing fairy tales, idyllic representations, and fantasy stories because they were too "conservative and by extension obscured capitalistic power relations in society" (Widhe 1). Dwelling, place, and garden arealso a recurring theme in these tumultuous times. I am particularly interested in how Garden (as in a cultivated landscape) works as a rhetorical topoi.In rhetoric, topos refers to a method for developing arguments.Topoi could be analysed through Kenneth Burke's explication of cluster analysis (for finding topoi in texts and pictures), which he identifies as a qualitative method designed to analyse rhetorical discourse. What I want to show through is thatthe concept of the pastoral garden is set out with much more complex and ambivalent features than usually taken forgranted. A garden can be infused with the essence of dwelling, emulatinga home. But it can also be a threat representing world detachment and confinement.

The Sunflower Student Movement in Taiwan (March-April 2014) was an authentic public cri de coeur over the political fate and destiny of the island. What started out as a storming and occupation of the island's legislature by activists opposed to the controversial Trade in Services Agreement quickly became a much broader public protest against the ruling Kuomintang party's apparent lack of concern about the political dimensions and implications of ever-increasing economic integration of the fiercely and proudly democratic island with the People's Republic of China, a state on the mainland run by a ruthless anti-democratic dictatorship. The Sunflower Movement has changed some minds in Taiwan, but how many still remains unclear. It seems likely that most people on the island who support the Kuomintang and the trade in services agreement and who have values higher than freedom, democracy, and human rights will continue to see the Sunflower Movement as a civil disturbance launched by left-wing academic ideologues bent on stirring up trouble among lazy, spoiled students and the island's economically innumerate rabble. The story is quite different with a large and growing segment of the electorate that values Taiwan's democratic system above all else. They have put Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan's now wildly unpopular pro-China president, on notice that he will no longer have a relatively easy time using economic integration with the PRC to nudge the island gradually and incrementally towards political control by Beijing. Taiwan's economic integration with the PRC will likely continue, but now less ineluctably towards political unification than before. It is not likely that a majority of Taiwan's electorate would willingly and wittingly trade their political birthright for a mess of economic pottage. Strategically, this means that the so-called Taiwan issue will likely linger on for longer than had previously been expected. Mao may have been right in 1975 when he speculated to Henry Kissinger that the ultimate resolution of Taiwan's status might take a hundred years.

"This essay has been tasked by the editors of this dossier with answering what it would mean should the Occupy movement's contributions to radical democracy permeate contemporary student struggles. This is an interesting, but insufficient, question. Detaching the forms of occupation in the US which emerged in the fall of 2011 from antecedents both in the United States and elsewhere is a messy task, particularly when the discussion centers on student struggles. The acceleration of student struggles in the United States and the return of occupation as a privileged tactic of radical social movements were both underway and interlinked years before the slow transformation of 'Occupy Wall Street' (OWS) from tactical imperative to capitalized noun. However much the Occupy movement drew direct inspiration from Medan al-Tahrir (Cairo's Liberation Square) and the indignados of Madrid's Plaza del Sol, OWS's political language was cribbed directly if unevenly from slogans scrawled on banners, pamphlets, and walls in a series of student occupations of universities in New York City and across California."