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Objective This article examines how segregation at the school level within districts and charter school legislation predict black enrollment levels at local charter schools. Methods-This study uses the Schools and Staffing Survey Charter School Data 1999-2000, Common Core of Data, and a unique data set of district test scores to estimate OLS regression models of black enrollment in charter schools on district racial segregation and race provisions in charter school legislation. Results Findings suggest that segregated school districts, those districts where whites and blacks are more unevenly distributed among schools, have a larger percentage of blacks enrolled in local charter schools than districts where schools are integrated. In addition, charter schools in states that do not have a racial clause have a smaller percent of blacks in their charter schools. Conclusion-Findings suggest that black enrollment in charter schools is a function of district segregation and state policy. Tables, Figures, 2, References. Adapted from the source document.

In Part I of the Article, I examine early cases in which the Court described segregation as a form of resource "lock-up." In several cases leading up to Brown, the Court detailed how racial segregation allows a more dominant group to hoard substantial societal resources. In these early cases, the Court's focus was on segregation as a mechanism for excluding individuals from valuable benefits on the basis of race; it did not speak explicitly to the harms associated with racial classification schemes. In this Part of the Article, I also return to Brown v. Board of Education and explore the Court's discussion of segregation and its link to psychological harm and status diminution. As in several of the cases leading up to Brown, the Court does not speak explicitly to the evils of racial classification schemes. Brown still stands as a sharp critique of the evils of segregation. In Part II, I explore how the Court has sometimes used de facto segregation as evidence of de jure discrimination in school districts that had been (but were no longer) segregated by law. In the South at least, the fact of segregation in the public schools triggered an affirmative duty to desegregate even when the public school districts were not necessarily responsible for that segregation. In this Part, I also trace Brown's journey North. I offer an interpretation of Milliken v. Bradley II, which emphasizes the Court's deep discomfort with segregation and links its dismay with the social stratification and racial stigma associated with segregation. This Part ends with a reading of the Court's later Brown implementation cases, which refused to adopt Justice Thomas' narrow view of the meaning of "segregation." In Part III, I shift to the voting rights context and discuss how the Court in Shaw v. Reno viewed a districting scheme which explicitly segregated voters by race into separate electoral districts as a particularly virulent form of racial classification. In Shaw, the Court is concerned not just with racial classification schemes that infect the political process, but it is also concerned with how racial segregation undermines the political process. As I explain, Shaw's central claim is that segregation, not just racial classification schemes, harms the polity. The lesson of Parts I, II and III of this Article is that while the Court's understanding and concern about segregation is often contradictory and dismissive, it is also far more nuanced than commonly appreciated. Segregation can "move" the Court when it explicitly stands as a marker of exclusion. Finally, in Part IV, I discuss Grutter v. Bollinger. In Grutter, the Court held that the government could use racial classifications to enhance racial diversity. Grutter embraced racial integration as a mode of facilitating racial inclusion. Grutter has links to previous cases in which the Court demonstrated a deep and abiding concern about the stigmatizing and racially exclusionary aspects of segregation. But in Parents Involved, the Court appeared to step back from Grutter's more enthusiastic endorsement of racial integration. Grutter's continuing viability will turn on whether the Court views affirmative action as playing a divisive, balkanizing and exclusionary role in American life or instead on whether the Court sees affirmative action as playing a broad inclusionary and desegregative role in American life.

The dramatic clarification of segregation and diversity law -- Determining the legitimacy of laws that use racial/ethnic classifications -- Legal rationales relating to school segregation and diversity -- Empirical assessments of legal doctrine responding to school segregation and diversity -- Empirical assessments of the implementation of laws addressing school segregation and diversity -- Lessons from the law and empirical research addressing school segregation and diversity

According to conventional wisdom, the split between integrationism and black power in the civil rights movement occurred in the mid-1960s, ushering in a much more radical and contentious era. In this tale, before 1965 the movement favored integrationism. However, as Tomiko Brown-Nagin shows in her novel history of the movement in Atlanta from the 1940s to 1980, conflict and friction plagued the civil rights movement long before Stokely Carmichael achieved fame in 1966 for advocating black power.

This poster deals with the case "U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama, Northern Division, Case no. 1147-N 142 F. Supp.707, aff'd. sub nom. Gayle v. Browder, 352 U.S.903 (1956)." ; https://digitalcommons.cwu.edu/government_posters/1047/thumbnail.jpg

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Reconstruction and Inequality -- Segregation and the Law -- Arguing Before the Court -- The Ruling of theCourt -- The Impact of Plessy -- Chronology -- Glossary -- Further Information -- Selected Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author -- Back Cover.

Letter from the Tennesee Society to Maintain Segregation to Raymond B. Witt, chairman of the Chattanooga, Tennessee Board of Education offering a questionnaire for Witt to complete. The questionnaire asks pointed questions regarding public school integration.

Letter from the Tennesee Society to Maintain Segregation to Raymond B. Witt, chairman of the Chattanooga, Tennessee Board of Education offering a questionnaire for Witt to complete. The questionnaire asks pointed questions regarding public school integration.