Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Part I Putting It in Context -- Chapter 2. Cross-Contamination of Aligned Elite Sources in Russiagate "Big Lie" Construction -- Chapter 3. Digital Media, Propaganda, and Information Wars -- Part II Propaganda and Mainstream Journalism -- Chpater 4. Orange Man Bad: Russiagate, the Rise of Boomer Journalism, Narrative and Pro-Social Lying -- Chapter 5. The Propaganda Simulacrum as a Model of Russiagate Propaganda -- Chapter 6. Propaganda, Political Economy, and Empire: The Russia-Ukraine Conflict -- Part III Demonizing Russia: Red Scares and Beyond -- Chapter 7. Putin's "Global Hybrid War": The Anti-Russian Bias of the Atlantic Council.-Chapter 8. 'Russophobia' and the New Cold War: The Case of the OPCW-Douma Controversy -- Chapter 9. Irrational Politics: The Domestic Component of Russiagate -- Part IV The View from Russia: Media Frames and Rhetorical Strategies -- Chapter 10. Strategic Narratives of Russiagate on Russian Mainstream and Alternative Television -- Chapter 11. The 2014 Ukraine Coup and the Demonization of Russia -- Part V Dilemmas of Dissent -- Chapter 12. WikiLeaks, Russsiagate, and the Crisis of Democracy -- Chapter 13. Platform Governance and the Hybrid War Industrial Complex -- Chapter 14. Conclusion: What Are the Main Lessons?./.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Key Stages -- The Main Story -- Volume Structure and Arguments -- References -- Part I: Putting It in Context -- Chapter 2: Cross-Contamination of Aligned Elite Sources in Russiagate "Big Lie" Construction -- Introduction -- Cross-Contamination of Aligned Prestigious Sources -- Mueller and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) -- FBI and Commonwealth Intelligence -- US Intelligence Agencies and the 2017 ICA Report -- US-UK Intelligence and the Democratic National Committee (DNC) -- Steele, the DNC, Perkins Coie and FBI -- Steele and Mainstream Media -- Democratic Party, Republican Party, US-UK Intelligence, and Media -- US Intelligence, Law Enforcement, and Private Investigators -- FBI, CrowdStrike, and the DNC/DCCC Emails -- Cross-Contamination of Elite Sources: An Assessment -- Scapegoating and Vilification of Russia -- Christopher Steele -- The Clintons, Barak Obama, and Joseph Biden -- Igor Danchenko -- Carter Page -- Kevin Clinesmith -- Michael Sussmann -- Charles Dolan -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Digital Media, Propaganda, and Information Wars -- Information Warfare -- Propaganda and the News -- Fake News, Censorship, and Post-truth Communication -- References -- Part II: Propaganda and Mainstream Journalism -- Chapter 4: Orange Man Bad: Russiagate, the Rise of Boomer Journalism, Narrative and Pro-Social Lying -- From Victorian Liberal Journalism to Boomer Journalism -- Russiagate -- Boomer Journalism's Moral Panic -- Hunter's Inconvenient Laptop -- Toiletgate -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 5: The Propaganda Simulacrum as a Model of Russiagate Propaganda -- Prevailing Preconception -- Authority -- Consensus -- Mainstream Media -- Compliant Critical (Left or Liberal) Media -- Monopoly -- Sources -- Witnesses.

Problems of verification surrounded official claims concerning the role of WikiLeaks and Russia vis-à-vis the release of e-mails stolen from the Democratic National Convention before the U.S. federal election of 2016. In addition to the competing conspiracy theories and false stories promoted by fringe elements, major news organizations tailored their reporting to satisfy divergent truth markets. These developments fit with the emergence of a posttruth environment marked by increasingly fragmented media, irreconcilable portrayals of political developments, and widespread distrust of dominant institutions. However, consistent with the findings of past political economy research, most news reporting incorporated a steady stream of propaganda promoted by powerful political interests. Taken together, these realities should be understood as complementary, reflecting evolving institutional and market-driven media strategies aimed at controlling the nature and quality of information regularly made available to the public.

America is in a new Cold War with Russia even more dangerous than the one the world barely survived in the twentieth century. The Soviet Union is gone, but the two nuclear superpowers are again locked in political and military confrontations, now from Ukraine to Syria. All of this is exacerbated by Washington's war-like demonizing of the Kremlin leadership and by Russiagate's unprecedented allegations. US mainstream media accounts are highly selective and seriously misleading. American "disinformation," not only Russian, is a growing peril.

L'affaire russe, appelée Russiagate en s'inspirant du scandale de Watergate, a démarré dès la défaite de la candidate démocrate, Hillary Clinton, en 2016. Il s'agissait d'expliquer cette défaite par des facteurs extérieurs à la campagne de la candidate et extérieurs aux États-Unis. Le candidat hors normes et catastrophique, Trump, fut accusé de collusion avec la Russie étant donné ses déclarations laudatives envers Poutine. Le rapport Mueller, dont un résumé officiel est connu, exonère Trump de l'accusation de conspiration, mais le Russiagate, dont la structure est celle d'une théorie du complot, a néanmoins réussi à créer une image positive des services secrets, y compris à gauche, à légitimer les dépenses militaires et les rhétoriques du complexe militaroindustriel et à dynamiter une partie des oppositions de gauche.

Introduction: Perceptions of western mainstream media -- Trump's campaign, the "Steele" dossier and the Intelligence Community Assessment -- "Election meddling" and the health of US democracy -- "Bots" and "trolls" -- Cambridge Analytica and Strategic Communications Laboratories (SCL) -- Implications for social media -- Fake news and intelligence : enter "spooks" -- Fake news and intelligence : hacks and hackers -- RussiaGate and the Russian "threat".

The journalistic coverage of Russiagate, between 2017 and March 2019, has been described as 'a catastrophic media failure'. Drawing on political and social psychology, this article seeks to enrich, and refresh, the familiar journalistic concepts of agendasetting, framing and priming by combining them under the heading of the 'news narrative'. Using this interdisciplinary approach to media effects theory, Russiagate is considered in terms of the Illusory Truth Effect and the Innuendo Effect. These effects hypothesise that the more audiences are exposed to information, the more likely they are to believe it – even when they are told that the information is unreliable. As a specific example, we focus on the stance taken by BBC News – which has an obligation to journalistic impartiality. We ask what implications arise from this analysis with regard to audience trust.

The journalistic coverage of Russiagate, between 2017 and March 2019, has been described as 'a catastrophic media failure'. Drawing on political and social psychology, this article seeks to enrich, and refresh, the familiar journalistic concepts of agenda-setting, framing and priming by combining them under the heading of the 'news narrative'. Using this interdisciplinary approach to media effects theory, Russiagate is considered in terms of the Illusory Truth Effect and the Innuendo Effect. These effects hypothesise that the more audiences are exposed to information, the more likely they are to believe it – even when they are told that the information is unreliable. As a specific example, we focus on the stance taken by BBC News – which has an obligation to journalistic impartiality. We ask what implications arise from this analysis with regard to audience trust.

After the Mueller report revealed that there was no collusion between Russia and the United-States during the 2016 US presidential election, the rhetoric of the New York Times has been much criticized by the European media. This has resulted in shaking the media's aim to provide information, therefore investigating the interpersonal relationship between The New York Times and their readers from the perspective of an empirical media discourse approach may be interesting in order to understand the impact of the newspaper's discourse on the readers' comprehension of the events. This research takes a discourse analysis, both computer assisted and traditional discourse analysis, and combines appraisal theory and frame theory. It explores a non-exhaustive data corpus of 114 articles, spread before and after the Mueller report was published in March 23, 2019, and from January 10, 2017 when the Steele dossier, which contains the first allegations of conspiracy between Trump and the government of Russia, was released online. The main research questions are: do the conclusions of the report have an impact on the discursive interpersonal relationship between The New York Times and their readers? What are the implications of the results of our analysis on the media's aim to provide information? The results of our research seem to show that the information gathered and shared by The New York Times were insufficient, therefore readers were left with a never-ending debate of opinions and hypotheses on Russiagate and on its consequences. This would result in a media's tendency to hazard guesses, which would nourish readers' hopes and/or fears. ; Suite à la publication du rapport Mueller révélant une absence de collusion entre la Russie et les États-Unis pendant l'élection présidentielle américaine de 2016, la rhétorique du New York Times sur le Russiagate a été condamnée par beaucoup de médias occidentaux. La visée d'information du média se trouvant ébranlée, nous avons voulu étudier l'impact du récit du New York Times concernant le Russiagate sur la compréhension de ces événements. Par une approche sociolinguistique et par une analyse traditionnelle ainsi que computationnelle du discours, cette recherche combine la théorie de l'évaluation cognitive (appraisal) et la théorie des cadres (frames) afin d'analyser la fonction interpersonnelle du discours dans les articles du New York Times. Cette étude porte sur un corpus non-exhaustif de 114 articles, répartis avant et après la publication du rapport Mueller le 23 mars 2019, et à partir du 10 janvier 2017 lorsque le dossier Steele - contenant le premières accusations de conspiration entre Trump et le gouvernement russe - a été diffusé en ligne. Nous nous étions demandé si les conclusions du rapport avaient eu une incidence sur la relation interpersonnelle discursive entre le New York Times et le lecteur, ainsi que sur la visée d'information du média. Les résultats de notre recherche démontrent l'attitude continuellement hypothétique du New York Times quant à la réalité des faits et aux conséquences de ceux-ci. Cela porte à penser que les informations regroupées et partagées ont été insuffisantes, de fait que le lecteur s'est retrouvé face à un débat continu d'opinions et de pronostiques à propos du Russiagate et de ses conséquences. En découlerait alors une tendance probabiliste du discours d'information médiatique, laquelle nourrirait les espoirs et/ou les appréhensions des lecteurs.

After the Mueller report revealed that there was no collusion between Russia and the United-States during the 2016 US presidential election, the rhetoric of the New York Times has been much criticized by the European media. This has resulted in shaking the media's aim to provide information, therefore investigating the interpersonal relationship between The New York Times and their readers from the perspective of an empirical media discourse approach may be interesting in order to understand the impact of the newspaper's discourse on the readers' comprehension of the events. This research takes a discourse analysis, both computer assisted and traditional discourse analysis, and combines appraisal theory and frame theory. It explores a non-exhaustive data corpus of 114 articles, spread before and after the Mueller report was published in March 23, 2019, and from January 10, 2017 when the Steele dossier, which contains the first allegations of conspiracy between Trump and the government of Russia, was released online. The main research questions are: do the conclusions of the report have an impact on the discursive interpersonal relationship between The New York Times and their readers? What are the implications of the results of our analysis on the media's aim to provide information? The results of our research seem to show that the information gathered and shared by The New York Times were insufficient, therefore readers were left with a never-ending debate of opinions and hypotheses on Russiagate and on its consequences. This would result in a media's tendency to hazard guesses, which would nourish readers' hopes and/or fears. ; Suite à la publication du rapport Mueller révélant une absence de collusion entre la Russie et les États-Unis pendant l'élection présidentielle américaine de 2016, la rhétorique du New York Times sur le Russiagate a été condamnée par beaucoup de médias occidentaux. La visée d'information du média se trouvant ébranlée, nous avons voulu étudier l'impact du récit du New York Times ...