Suchergebnisse

In contrast to most other analyses of Romani migration, this article is based on a series of interviews conducted with Romani migrants that formed part of an International Organisation for Migration (IOM) survey. The survey results suggest that socioeconomic factors are an important catalyst in the emigration of Slovak Roma. After providing a background to the migrations, the article analyzes the communist regime's policy toward the Roma, & its impact on their socioeconomic status both prior to & after the changes of 1989. The authors identify a "Romani socialist-style middle class," created primarily by these policies, that constitutes the primary group of migrants. Reasons for their migration include limited chances for personal development, a perception of being discriminated against & a lack of focus on developing local responses. Their migration signifies an attempt to escape from social exclusion. The article further considers the reasons why migration is seen as a preferable solution, & then moves on to an analysis of both Romani & majority perceptions of the migrations. The authors conclude with a set of recommendations for policymakers & nongovernmental organizations. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Roma Activism -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Abbreviations -- Preface -- Introduction - Renewing Research and Romani Activism -- Part I - Renewing Methods, Renewing Sites -- Chapter 1 - Neoliberalism and the Spirit of Nongovernmentalism: Toward an Anthroposociology of Roma-Related Engagement and Activism -- Chapter 2 - Emotions and Procedures: Contradictions of Early Romani Activism in a Postconflict Intervention -- Chapter 3 - Encounters at the Margins: Activism and Research in Romani Studies in Postsocialist Romania -- Part II - Renewing Epistemologies -- Chapter 4 - Paradigm Shift and Romani Studies: Research "on" or "for" and "with" the Roma -- Chapter 5 - Transgressing Borders: Challenging Racist and Sexist Epistemology -- Chapter 6 - Alter-Narratives: Seeing Ordinary Agency -- Part III - Renewing Activisms -- Chapter 7 - Policy Input on the Front Line: Dilemmas of the Ethical Academic -- Chapter 8 - Between Global Solidarity and National Belonging: The Politics of Inclusion for Romanlar in Turkey -- Chapter 9 - "Be Young, Be Roma": Modern Roma Youth Activism in the Current Panorama of Romani Affairs -- Index

Offering new perspectives on the Romani experience, this volume investigates the culture's origins, history, and identity. Written by leading Romani scholars, this authoritative account considers various topics, including how linguistics has clarified the origins of the Roma, how Gypsies have been classified in Russian research, and how the history of the Gypsy diaspora has shaped Romani culture. Arguing for the exploration of personal and family histories, this study delves into the newly emergent Romani academic community and takes heed of its reflections and reassessments of previous ideas

Schätzungen zufolge gehören bis zu 19 % der Schüler/-innen in der Slowakei zur Roma-Minderheit, ca. zwei Drittel von ihnen sprechen Romanes. Jedoch ist - von wenigen Ausnahmen abgesehen - Romanes nicht Teil des schulischen Curriculums. Ausgehend von Theorien über die symbolische Macht von Sprache analysiert der Beitrag einerseits die Verwendung von Romanes in der Schule und andererseits die Ansätze des Unterrichtens von Slowakisch als Zweitsprache. Ziel ist es zu prüfen, inwiefern proklamierte Sprachenpolitik und Minderheitenrechte praktisch umgesetzt werden. Der Beitrag kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die reine Existenz von Minderheitenrechten keine hinreichende Bedingung für die Umsetzung dieser Rechte ist. Darüber hinaus sind bisherige Maßnahmen zur Förderung der Slowakisch-Kenntnisse von Roma-Schüler/inne/n als unbefriedigend einzuschätzen. Dies hat zur Folge, dass viele Schüler/-innen keine der beiden Sprachen ausreichend beherrschen. (DIPF/Orig.) ; According to estimates, Roma make up to 19 % of pupils in primary and lower secondary education in Slovakia and about two thirds of them speak Romani language at home. Despite this fact, the vast majority of schools do not include Romani in their curriculum. Drawing on theories about the symbolic power of language the paper focuses on the use of the Romani language in the school context as well as on approaches aimed at teaching Slovak as a second language. Its main goal is to examine the application of language policy and minority rights in practice. The paper concludes that as far as the Roma minority is concerned, the de jure existence of minority language rights is not a sufficient condition to ensure the exercise of these rights. The research further revealed that despite the declared emphasis on minority pupils' adequate command of the Slovak language, the practical measures aimed at improving their fluency in Slovak are unsatisfactory. As a result, many Romani pupils risk failing to master any language on the level that would allow them to succeed in school. (DIPF/Orig.)

Romani is a fascinating test case for the role that language plays in the process of identity consolidation in a transnational context. Standardisation is no longer inherently connected to the territorialisation of language. Instead, we witness a bottom-up process in which individuals take ownership of language and negotiate language practices. Status regulation and language planning can be instigated and even implemented by institutions other than national states. All of this leads to pluralism of form rather than unification. Yet language remains a key locus for political mobilisation. It allows players to claim authenticity, it offers opportunities for intervention by external facilitators, and it provides a discussion platform through which traditional images can be challenged and recognition can be awarded.

This paper summarizes and discusses the key findings of my research on representations of Romani woman in contemporary Polish and Romani literary texts. The first part of this paper discusses Romani women's roles and positions in the Romani community. While the subsequent part describes Romani literature in Poland, the main focus of this article discusses images of Romani women in Polish and Romani literature. The article aims to reveal the process of shaping their description in Romani and Polish literature. The research result shows how the perception of Romani women influenced the artistic imagination of Poles and Roma (female and male) and their literary discourses. The study also indicates the degree of durability or variability of the compared images. The research is significant because of its intent to deepen the understanding of Romani imagology, as well as promoting the discourse of Romani Literature Studies.

In the context of the sociopolitical articulation of the Romani diaspora, this paper explores how its narrative is supported in four literary works written in different languages and national settings – Fires in the Dark by Louise Doughty, Camelamos Naquerar (We want to speak) by José Heredia Maya, Goddamn Gypsy by Ronald Lee, and Dites-le avec des pleurs (Say it with tears) by Mateo Maximoff – shaping a transnational/diasporicliterary production. Departing from the existence of a common Romani ethos, the analysis focuses on how these literary works shape a transnational/diasporic literature by representing the specificities of the Romani history – in particular the recollection of traumatic collective experiences – through a number of narrative strategies, such as self-representation or the depiction of cultural memory.

Defining Ethnic Mobilization -- A Synergic Approach -- Political Opportunities -- Understanding The Broader Context -- Romani Ethnic Mobilization In A Comparative Perspective. Looking Into The Case-study Countries -- Who Is Doing The Mobilizing? Anatomy Of Romani Ethnic Mobilization Through The Prism Of The Actors -- Mobilizing Frames? Identity And Interests Intertwined- -- Mobilizing Romani Ethnicity For Collective Action -- Conclusions: Mobilizing For Change? Limits And Potential Of Romani Ethnic Mobilization.

"The Roma issue is generally treated as a European matter. Indeed, the Roma are the largest European minority-their presence outside of Europe is a result of various waves of migration over the past four hundred years. Likewise, the stereotypes associated with the Roma-the problematized, stigmatized status of a "Gypsy" as well as the historical and contemporary manifestations of antigypsyism-are also of European origin. This book claims, however, that the perception of Roma being strictly a European issue is flawed, and that re-connecting the Roma issue globally represents an important learning experience and an added value. The book offers a critical exploration of Romani political activism in Colombia and Argentina, and compares it to that in Spain, narrated from the intimate perspective of Romani actors themselves. By outlining parallel lineages of Romani activism in three countries and on two continents, the author arrives at broad conclusions regarding the nature of ethnic mobilization. Mirga-Kruszelnicka proposes a new synergetic conceptualization of this multidirectional concept as an interplay between political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and frames of identity. Contributing to the vivid debate about the relationship between the researcher and the researched, the book also includes an original discussion of the positionality of scholars of Romani background"--

Drawing on theories of identity postulated by cultural theorists, scholars of gender identity, and critical race theorists, I explore issues of identity politics and "Otherness" as they pertain to Romani identity, history and activism. By critiquing the latent bifurcation of identity and subjectivity in Judith Butler's theory of performativity as well as her explicit adherence to universalism, I begin to outline a (post-Hegelian) hermeneutic in which narratives of self enable political processes of self-determination against symbolic and epistemic systems of racialization and minoritization.[1] Roma identity both serves as an oppressive social category while at the same time empowering people for whom a shared ethnic group provides a sense of solidarity and community. In re-conceptualizing, reimagining and re-claiming Romani-ness, we can make movements towards outlining a new Romani subjectivity – a subjectivity that is firmly rooted in counterhistories of Roma, with porous boundaries that both celebrate our diversity and foster solidarity. I come to the subject of Romani identity from an understanding that our racialized and gendered identities are both performed and embodied – forming part of the horizon from which we make meaning of the world. I wish to recast the discourse surrounding Romani identity as hybridized and multicultural, as well as, following Glissant, embedded into a pluritopic notion of history.

In contrast to most other analyses of Romani migration, this article is based on a series of interviews conducted with Romani migrants which formed part of an International Organisation for Migration (IOM) survey. The survey results suggest that socioeconomic factors are an important catalyst in the emigration of Slovak Roma. After providing a background to the migrations, the article analyses the Communist regime's policy towards the Roma, and its impact on their socioeconomic status both prior to and after the changes of 1989. The authors identify a "Romani socialist-style middle class," created primarily by these policies, which constitutes the primary group of migrants. Reasons for their migration include limited chances for personal development, a perception of being discriminated against and a lack of focus on developing local responses. Their migration signifies an attempt to escape from social exclusion. The article further considers the reasons why migration is seen as a preferable solution, and then moves on to an analysis of both Romani and majority perceptions of the migrations. The authors conclude with a set of recommendations for policy-makers and non-governmental organisations.