Suchergebnisse

AbstractIn this study using household data, we aim to track the trends in regional income polarization in Turkey and focus on the extent of and trends in regional income disparity. With the help of classical and newly developed indexes and decomposition methodologies, we estimate the polarization level, temporal trends and the decomposition within and between regions of the western and eastern regions in Turkey. We also analysed the impact of being in the east or in the west on income polarization, controlling for other individual and household characteristics. To shed more light on the underlying mechanisms behind the polarization between two regions, we performed an ordered logit regression.

SURVEY DATA RELATING TO EACH BRITISH GENERAL ELECTION OVER THE PERIOD 1964-1987 ARE USED TO TEST THE FREQUENTLY-CLAIMED ASSUMPTION THAT REGIONAL POLARIZATION INCREASED OVER THE PERIOD. USE OF A LOG-LINEAR MODELLING ALLOWS THE HYPOTHESIS TO BE EVALUATED WITH THE CHANGING REGIONAL CLASS COMPOSITION HELD CONSTANT. THE RESULTS INDICATE THAT CLASS POLARIZATION REMAINS STRONG IN THE NORTH BUT HAS DECLINED SUBSTANTIALLY IN THE SOUTH. THIS PAPER IS THE FIRST TO PRESENT THE RESULTS OF ANALYSES OF THE CHANGING GEOGRAPHY OF VOTING IN GREAT BRITAIN, BY OCCUPATIONAL CLASS GROUPS, OVER SEVERAL GENERAL ELECTIONS.

This paper examines the relationships between ethnicity and regional economic transformation in Slovakia. It takes as its focus the position of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia in the uneven process of regional change. The paper places these issues within the context of struggles over ethnicity and 'nation' in post‐independence Slovakia. The paper argues that ethnicity has been a thoroughly contested issue since the collapse of 'communism' in Slovakia and a variety of struggles have been waged over enhancing the rights and position of the Hungarian minority population. The concentration of the Hungarian minority in the southern Slovak border regions with Hungary is examined within the context of the uneven economic impacts of the 'transition to capitalism'. It is argued that, while the economic decline seen in many of these 'Hungarian' regions has impacted negatively on the local populations, the roots of these changes lie within the ways in which such regions were integrated into the state socialist regional division of labor. In particular, the role of peripheral industrialization in such regions prior to 1989, in attempting to reduce economic differences among various ethnic groups, resulted in the establishment of branch plant economies which have had difficulty in surviving since 1989. It is therefore the interweaving of the economics of regional decline and the politics of ethnicity that help us to understand the complex place of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia.

This research note investigates the scope of regional variations in levels of affective polarization across Europe and contrasts it with national scores to highlight the theoretical and empirical interest of a disaggregated approach. Using all waves of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) dataset, we compute an affective polarization score for 143,857 individuals and aggregate these scores in 190 regions nested in 30 countries, across a period ranging from 1996 to 2019, covering 105 elections. We map variations in affective polarization across regions, both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. Our results reveal that the range of scores is larger across regions than between countries and that approximately half of the variation in affective polarization scores can be attributed to within-country heterogeneity. Second, we find that some countries display rather homogeneous regional patterns, while others display heterogeneous scores. Third, we show how the increase in the affective polarization scores over time at the national level can be driven by sharp changes in some regions only, while other regions remain stable. Overall, these results point to the added value of adopting a regional approach to the study of affective polarization.