Suchergebnisse

chapter 1 Chongqing under the spotlight: the 'Chongqing Model' and its controversies -- chapter 2 Putting the Red culture campaign into perspective -- chapter 3 Chongqing's Red culture campaign as simulation -- chapter 4 Who were the participants in Chongqing's Red culture campaign? -- chapter 5 Experiencing the campaign: patterns of practices by the local people in Chongqing -- chapter 6 How the official programme interacted with the practices of the local participants: exchange -- chapter 7 How the official programme interacted with the practices of the local participants: framing -- chapter 8 Conclusion.

Between 2009 and 2012, the city of Chongqing came into the national, and even international spotlight, as it became the geographical centre of the 'Singing Red, Smashing Black' campaign, and later the political storm that swept China. Chongqing's Red Culture Campaign drew an incredible amount of interest at the time, but speculation and prejudice has since blurred the public understanding of the sensational story that ties the campaign with the rise and fall of a political star, Bo Xilai. This book, therefore, seeks to study the nature of Chongqing's Red Culture Campaign, and the interaction between the political programme and the practices of its participants. Based on fieldwork conducted in Chongqing, it seeks to question whether the Red Culture Campaign was actually a return to Maoist revolutionary mass campaigning whilst examining the relationship between the CCP's political power and the lives of the ordinary people as reflected in the case of the campaign. Ultimately, it highlights that the campaign was not in fact a real Maoist mass movement. Although it followed the pre-existing model of past mass campaigns in China, containing a series of frequent and highly performative operations, Xiao Mei argues that it essentially demonstrated critical features of 'simulation'. By contributing to our understanding of the discrepancies between a designed political programme, and what it actually becomes when implemented on the ground, this book will be of use to students and scholars of Chinese Studies, Politics and Sociology.

This paper examines the interaction between Chongqing's Red culture programme (2008-2012) and the practices of Singing Red by retiree participants during the campaign. Drawing on ethnographic data collected during fieldwork in Chongqing, this paper argues that the community practices of retirees constitute a distinctive structure that is less powerful but more durable than that of the official Red culture programme. The practice of Singing Red by the retirees in their daily life did not subvert, but exercised tactical effect on the official programme. (China Perspect/GIGA)

Introduction: recasting Red culture in proletarian Japan -- Fairy tales on the front line: reading childhood, class, and culture -- Writing on the wall: kabe shosetsu and the proletarian avant-garde -- Comrades-in-arms: Zainichi communists, revolutionary local color, and the antinomies of colonial representation

Intro -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Note on Romanization -- Introduction -- Chapter One - Policing Books in Beijing -- Chapter Two - Censorship and Purges at a Municipal Newspaper: The Case of the Beijing Daily -- Chapter Three - The Attack on a Popular Religious Sect: Yiguandao and Mass Mobilization -- Chapter Four - Building Cultural Centers at the Grassroots -- Chapter Five - Turning Chinese Children Red: Redesigning Kindergarten Education -- Chapter Six - A Political Park: Public Space as Propaganda Theater -- Chapter Seven - Architecture and Ethnicity: Unity under One Roof? -- Conclusion -- Glossary -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Using a unique interdisciplinary, cultural-institutional analysis, Politics of Control is the first comprehensive study of how, in the early decades of the People's Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party reshaped people's minds using multiple methods of control. With newly available archival material, internal circulars, memoirs, interviews, and site visits, the book explores the fascinating world of mass media, book publishing, education, religion, parks, museums, and architecture during the formative years of the republic. When the Communists assumed power in 1949, they projected themselves as not only military victors but also as peace restorers and cultural protectors. Believing that they needed to manage culture in every arena, they created an interlocking system of agencies and regulations that was supervised at the center. Documents show, however, that there was internal conflict. Censors, introduced early at the Beijing Daily, operated under the "twofold leadership" of municipal-level editors but with final authorization from the Communist Party Propaganda Department. Politics of Control looks behind the office doors, where the ideological split between Party chairman Mao Zedong and head of state Liu Shaoqi made pragmatic editors bite their pencil erasers and hope for the best. Book publishing followed a similar multi-tier system, preventing undesirable texts from getting into the hands of the public. In addition to designing a plan to nurture a new generation of Chinese revolutionaries, the party-state developed community centers that served as cultural propaganda stations. New urban parks were used to stage political rallies for major campaigns and public trials where threatening sects could be attacked. A fascinating part of the story is the way in which architecture and museums were used to promote ethnic unity under the Chinese party-state umbrella. Besides revealing how interlocking systems resulted in a pervasive method of control, Politics of Control also examines how this system was influenced by the Soviet Union and how, nevertheless, Chinese nationalism always took precedence. Chang-tai Hung convincingly argues that the PRC's formative period defined the nature of the Communist regime and its future development. The methods of cultural control have changed over time, but many continue to have relevance today

Using a unique interdisciplinary, cultural-institutional analysis, Politics of Control is the first comprehensive study of how, in the early decades of the People's Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party reshaped people's minds using multiple methods of control. With newly available archival material, internal circulars, memoirs, interviews, and site visits, the book explores the fascinating world of mass media, book publishing, education, religion, parks, museums, and architecture during the formative years of the republic. When the Communists assumed power in 1949, they projected themselves as not only military victors but also as peace restorers and cultural protectors. Believing that they needed to manage culture in every arena, they created an interlocking system of agencies and regulations that was supervised at the center. Documents show, however, that there was internal conflict. Censors, introduced early at the Beijing Daily, operated under the "twofold leadership" of municipal-level editors but with final authorization from the Communist Party Propaganda Department. Politics of Control looks behind the office doors, where the ideological split between Party chairman Mao Zedong and head of state Liu Shaoqi made pragmatic editors bite their pencil erasers and hope for the best. Book publishing followed a similar multi-tier system, preventing undesirable texts from getting into the hands of the public. In addition to designing a plan to nurture a new generation of Chinese revolutionaries, the party-state developed community centers that served as cultural propaganda stations. New urban parks were used to stage political rallies for major campaigns and public trials where threatening sects could be attacked. A fascinating part of the story is the way in which architecture and museums were used to promote ethnic unity under the Chinese party-state umbrella. Besides revealing how interlocking systems resulted in a pervasive method of control, Politics of Control also examines how this system was influenced by the Soviet Union and how, nevertheless, Chinese nationalism always took precedence. Chang-tai Hung convincingly argues that the PRC's formative period defined the nature of the Communist regime and its future development. The methods of cultural control have changed over time, but many continue to have relevance today

Following the evacuation of the Dachen Islands by the Republic of China in 1955, the People's Republic of China undertook a reconstruction and redevelopment effort through the volunteer work of a youth committee known as the Reclamation Team. Today, Dachen Island is renowned for symbolizing Red Culture and the Reclamation Spirit, receiving significant government support, especially for developing its sustainable tourism industry. This field study investigates the disparity between the island's portrayal as a symbol of Red Culture and the Reclamation Spirit and its actual experience as seen through tourists, landscapes, and residents. Tourists are primarily drawn to Dachen Island for its natural scenery and relaxation rather than its Red Culture. The island's social media image highlights its natural beauty, contrasting sharply with the patriotic culture emphasized by government and official news outlets. Although Dachen Island features several cultural and historical sites, many remain closed or underutilized. As modernization progresses, the island faces a declining youth population, while migrant workers are attracted by the expanding tourism industry. Red Culture and the Reclamation Spirit function more as branding tools that help the island secure government funding and recognition rather than reflecting the lived reality of its residents.

The combination of ideological and political theory courses and rich red cultural resources in colleges and universities is a powerful guarantee to improve the effectiveness of ideological and political education for college students and an effective way to run the concrete contents of socialist core values through ideological and political courses in colleges and universities. By running red culture through the education and teaching of ideological and political courses in colleges and universities, we can carry forward red culture, expand teaching content, cultivate healthy personality, promote the cultivation of correct three views, rally people's hearts and gather strength, and inject vitality into local economic and social development.