Former slaves, with no prior experience in electoral politics and with few economic resources or little significant social standing, created a sweeping political movement that transformed the South after the Civil War. Within a few short years after emancipation, not only were black men voting but they had elected thousands of ex-slaves to political offices. Historians have long noted the role of African American slaves in the fight for their emancipation and their many efforts to secure their freedom and citizenship, yet they have given surprisingly little attention to the system of governanc
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Reprint from Mississippi Historical Society. Publications. Centenary series, v. 1, p. 9-403, published in Jackson, Miss., 1916. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.
American history -- African American studies --& In the popular imagination the picture of slavery, frozen in time, is one of huge cotton plantations and opulent mansions. However, in over a hundred years of history detailed in this book, the hard reality of slavery in Mississippi's antebellum world is strikingly different from the one of popular myth. It shows that Mississippi's past was never frozen, but always fluid. It shows too that slavery took a number of shapes before its form in the late antebellum mold became crystalized for popular culture. The colonial French introduced African sla
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The third military district comprised the states of Georgia, Alabama and Florida. In August, 1868, it was consolidated with the Second military district, including North Carolina and South Carolina, the whole being designated as the Department of the South. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Vol. 3 has imprint: Louisville, Ky., Printed by J. P. Morton and company, 1869. ; Paper cover of v. 3 has title: Reconstruction, George & Mississippi cases, Civil rights act, cotton tax, &c. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; grad: Library has v.2 only
Vol. 2 wanting. ; Vol. 3 has imprint: Louisville, Bradley and Gilbert, printers, 1867; v. 4: Louisville, Ky., Printed by J. P. Morton and company, 1869. ; Paper cover of v. 3 has title: Reconstruction, Georgia & Mississippi cases, Civil rights act, cotton tax, &c. ; Mode of access: Internet.
North Mississippi's idyllic rolling hills and deep forests hide a history steeped in blood. America's first serial killers, the Harpe brothers, brutally murdered as many as fifty people at the end of the 1700s before finally meeting their end on the Natchez Trace. During Reconstruction, politician William Clark Falkner, great-grandfather of the author William Faulkner, was shot in the streets of Ripley by a former business partner after being elected to the state legislature. In the 1960s, Samuel Bowers and the Mississippi Klan tried to start a national race war by orchestrating the Freedom Summer murders and the Ole Miss Riot. Kristina Stancil details the shadowy side of North Mississippi.--Provided by Amazon.com
Moves beyond broad generalizations concerning black life during Reconstruction in order to address the varied experiences of freed slaves across the South. This collection examines urban unrest in New Orleans and Wilmington, North Carolina, loyalty among former slave owners and slaves in Mississippi, armed insurrection along the Georgia coast, racial violence throughout the region, and much more in order to provide a well-rounded portrait of the era.
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In this provocative study, Robert Harrison provides new insight into grassroots reconstruction after the Civil War and into the lives of those most deeply affected, the newly emancipated African Americans. Harrison argues that the District of Columbia, far from being marginal to the Reconstruction story, was central to Republican efforts to reshape civil and political relations, with the capital a testing ground for Congressional policy makers. The study describes the ways in which federal agencies such as the Army and the Freedmen's Bureau attempted to assist Washington's freed population and shows how officials struggled to address the social problems resulting from large-scale African-American migration. It also sheds new light on the political processes that led to the abandonment of Reconstruction and the onset of black disfranchisement
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Mississippi entered the 21st century as a competitive two-party state far removed from its post-Reconstruction history of one-party Democratic domination. Yet Republican gains which had led to this emerging parity between the parties were not uniform across elective offices, as they had come first in federal elections and only later trickled down to state offices (Aistrup 1996). Mississippi voted Republican for president for the first time since Reconstruction in 1964 and 1972 (by landslide margins), narrowly backed Democrat and born-again southern Baptist Jimmy Carter in 1976, and henceforth has cast every one of its electoral votes for Republican presidential candidates. Enduring U.S. House gains began occurring in the Nixon landslide reelection year of 1972 with victories by Republicans Thad Cochran and Trent Lott. Cochran and Lott then replaced retiring conservative Democratic U.S. senators James Eastland in 1978 and John Stennis in 1988. Democrats remained competitive in U.S. house races at the century's end, however, retaining two moderate conservative whites (Ronnie Shows and Gene Taylor) and one liberal African American (Bennie Thompson, representing the black majority "Delta" district) as congressmen. With the retirements of boll weevil Democrats Jamie Whitten in 1994 and Sonny Montgomery in 1996, conservative Republicans Roger Wicker and Chip Pickering took their places to maintain two House seats for the GOP.
