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Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. The Puerto Rican Blueprint -- 2. Dispatches from the Colonial Outpost -- 3. The Living Negro in Latin America -- 4. The Republic of the Penniless -- 5. You Are Here to Listen -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Between 1960 and 1980, Liberal intellectuals put together various theoretical arguments which developed into the first consensus on student unrest. Ignoring the ideology of the student radicals, they stressed unconscious motivational forces to explain the protester's actions and emphasized the harmful consequences of the movement's legacy. In the past several years, however, a number of radical historians, sociologists and political scientists have begun retracing the origins and development of the New Left movement of the 1960s. They argue that student radicals were consciously inspired to act because of their desire for progressive change. In tracing the historiography of the New Left from the 1960s to the present, this paper will reveal how the narrow research focus on student unrest has limited our comprehension of the issues of the age. To understand the "meaning" of the 1960's social unrest, historians must redirect the terms of the debate away from irrelevant questions over motivation and back to the ideas themselves. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)Dept. of History, Philosophy, and Political Science. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1992 .V377. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 31-04, page: 1563. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1992.

"This book brings together documents from multiple radical movements in the recent United States from 1973 through 2001. These years are typically viewed as an era of neoliberalism, dominated by conservative retrenchment, the intensified programs of privatization and incarceration, dramatic cuts to social welfare, and the undermining of labor, antiracist, and feminist advances. Yet activists from the period proved tenacious in the face of upheaval, resourceful in creating new tactics, and dedicated to learning from one another. Persistent and resolute, activists did more than just keep radical legacies alive. They remade radicalism-bridging differences of identity and ideology often assumed to cleave movements, grappling with the eradication of liberal promises, and turning to movement cultures as the source of a just future. Remaking Radicalism is the first anthology of U.S. radicalisms that reveals the depth, diversity, and staying power of social movements after the close of the long 1960s. Editors Dan Berger and Emily Hobson track the history of popular struggles during a time that spans the presidencies of Richard Nixon and George W. Bush and bring to readers the political upheavals that shaped the end of the century and that continue to define the present"--

The sixties were a time when anti-disciplinary politics blurred the boundaries between the political and the aesthetic, and, according to some critics, the time when the possibility for revolution died. In this book, first published in 1998, Stephens questions the frameworks which inform commonplace understandings of this period, arguing that the most distinctive forms of sixties protest are often marginalized or excluded from view. She looks at the problematic ways in which sixties radicalism has been narrativised, and critically evaluates the modernist and postmodern impulses that can be discerned in the anti-disciplinary protest of the time. Stephens develops a new theoretical framework for conceptualizing the relationship between the sixties and later political and theoretical developments. Drawing on broad-ranging, lively and often rare sources, this is a provocative contribution to contemporary social theory and cultural studies

The article examines the evolution of right-wing radicalism and extremism in the United States during the period from 2015 to January 2021 and their destructive impact on elections and power transit. The main drivers of radicalization are explored, with special attention paid to the role of conspiracy theories, in particular the QAnon phenomenon. The article analyzes how the Internet in general and social networks in particular created echo chambers and accelerated the spread of radical ideas. Distinctions are made between the more traditional forms of radicalism and the new generation of radicals (that flourished under the Donald Trump administration). Righ-wing radicalism of the new generation is dominated by cultural libertarianism, comprised of "alt-right" and "alt-light" movements, antagonistic towards left-wing radicalism. While the Trump administration underplayed the rise in right-wing extremism, it considerably overstated the threat of left-wing radicalism. Special attention is paid to thе role of the media, including its growing lack of neutrality and emergence of the ecosphere for conservative viewers where fakes and conspiracy mindsets thrive. Anti-democratic behavior of the president and the Republican Party are explored, including deliberate misleading of voters and denial of the presidential election results. The storming of the Capitol on January 6, 2021 is interpreted as a natural progression of the above-mentioned trends. In conclusion, the forecast of future trends is made. These trends include persistence of populist sentiments, the increasing role of the alt-right, persistence of street violence, and the growing acceptance of anti-democratic behavior. All of this presents a serious challenge not only for the Republican Party, but also for the U.S. political institutions in general.

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Imagining a Nation of Politicians: Political Printers and the Reader-Citizens of the 1790s -- 2. The Politics of Popular Cosmopolitanism -- 3. Can a Citizen of the World Be a Citizen of the United States?: The Reaction against Popular Cosmopolitanism -- 4. Conceptualizing Equality in a Commercial Society: Democratic Visions of Economic Justice -- 5. "The General Will Is Always Good . . . But by What Sign Shall We Know It?": Debating the Role of the Public in a Representative Democracy -- Epilogue -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X.

Originally published in 1978. When compared with socialist and communist systems in other nations, the impact of radicalism on American society seems almost nonexistent. David DeLeon challenges this position, however, by presenting a historical and theoretical perspective for understanding the scope and significance of dissent in America. From Anne Hutchinson in colonial New England to the New Left of the 1960s, DeLeon underscores a tradition of radical protest that has endured in American history—a tradition of native anarchism that is fundamentally different from the radicalism of Europe, the Soviet Union, or nations of the Third World. DeLeon shows that a profound resistance to authority lies at the very heart of the American value system.The first part of the book examines how Protestant belief, capitalism, and even the American landscape itself contributed to the unique character of American dissent. DeLeon then looks at the actions and ideologies of all major forms of American radicalism, both individualists and communitarians, from laissez-faire liberals to anarcho-capitalists, from advocates of community control to syndicalists. In the book's final part, DeLeon argues against measuring the American experience by the standards of communism and other political systems. Instead he contends that American culture is far more radical than that of any socialist state and the implications of American radicalism are far more revolutionary than forms of Marxism-Leninism.

Following a brief review of security measures in British jurisdictions in the late 18th century, state security legislative developments in the US vs Canada through the early 19th century are compared. In both lower & upper Canada (including loyalist British provinces) & the US in the wake of the American Revolution, the historical evidence reveals a striking similarity between the attitudes of governing elites toward migration, aliens, & naturalization, as well as toward matters of internal political dissent. New methods of governance were sought to identify & marginalize outsiders & reinforce the behavior of "good citizens." An identity-based conceptualization of citizenship that transcended traditional religious, cultural, & ethnic solidarities was supported by regulatory initiatives by the state & reinforced by legislation that strictly demarcated the boundaries of the political community; repressive initiatives were accepted as a way of ensuring conformity to the moral standards of this community. The formulation & passage of specific landmark alien, naturalization, & sedition acts by jurisdictions in lower/upper Canada & the US are discussed; issues of legal & civil rights are also considered. K. Hyatt Stewart