Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- Climate justice and business as usual: what's wrong with this picture? -- Historical unconsciousness and the invisible present -- Beyond evasion: psychoanalysis for the climate crisis -- Radical ethics for our climate emergency -- Afterword: after Paris

How much does ethics demand of us? On what authority does it demand it? How does what ethics demand relate to other requirements, such as those of prudence, law, and social convention? Does ethics really demand anything at all? Questions of this sort lie at the heart of the work of the Danish philosopher and theologian K.E. Logstrup (1905-1981), and in particular his key text The Ethical Demand (1956). In The Radical Demand in Logstrup's Ethics, Robert Stern offers a full account of that text, and situates Logstrup's distinctive position in relation to Kant, Kierkegaard, Levinas, Darwall and Luther. 0For Logstrup, the ethical situation is primarily one in which the fate of the other person is placed in your hands, where it is then your responsibility to do what is best for them. The demand therefore does not come from the other person as such, as what they ask you to do may be different from what you should do. It is also not laid down by social rules, nor by God or by any formal principle of practical reason, such as Kant's principle of universalizability. Rather, it comes from what is required to care for the other, and the directive power of their needs in the situation. Logstrup therefore rejects accounts of ethical obligation based on the commands of God, or on abstract principles governing practical reason, or on social norms; instead he develops a different picture, at the basis of which is our interdependence, which he argues gives his ethics a grounding in the nature of life itself

The argument of radical social scientists that higher education supports the status quo is not supported by the facts. Coll teachers are more liberal than the population at large; the academy today holds a sizable community of Marxists & other radicals who deliberately engage in political proselytizing. The arguments that all teaching is indoctrination & that everyone is equally biased are false on both theoretical & factual grounds. Complete objectivity is impossible, but the scholar should strive for it. Radical academics who insist on using the classroom for the education of revolutionaries may have to be disqualified. Memories of McCarthyism in the 1950s should not be allowed to paralyze efforts to protect the probity of education in the 1980s. Failure to do so may undermine democratic values & institutions. AA.

Fichte constructs the general part of his early ethics as a philosophy of concrete freedom in the shape of a history of moral self-consciousness, and in the course of this construction he discovers something what he, in Kantian stile, may call a "radical evil in human nature", that is, a force of "inertness to reflection and to activity in accordance with such reflection" inherent to human nature. Schelling and some contemporary authors recognize in Fichte's doctrine of evil a symptom of his return to the ethical naturalism of the Enlightenment. An anal­ysis of the dynamics of moral reflection in the I according to Fichte shows, however, that, exactly as the I itself is for Fichte essentially a duality, a subject-object, so is each particular position in the movement of the self-reflection of the I, on the one hand, conditioned by this spiritual inertness of human nature, but that same inertness is, on the other hand, a chain with which human free­dom retains itself, and therefore actually inexistent as a restraining force for a free I, conscious of his own ethical vocation, so that its dwelling within the limits of the customary (in the invariability of consciousness) is the subject's own fault as "non-use of freedom". The spiritual inertness, as an empirical con­dition of possibility of a bad choice, is nevertheless in Fichte a spiritual force of a specific kind, active even there where ethical choice in the strict sense of the term is not (yet) at issue. Schelling's reproof must therefore be acknowledged as invalid, exactly because the history of self-consciousness is, in Fichte's ethics, not so much an exposition of a real sequence, as a transcendental reflec­tion of grounds.

Radical Media Ethics presents a series of innovative ethical principles and guidelines for members of the global online media community. Offers a comprehensive new way to think about media ethics in a new media era, Provides guiding principles and values for practising responsible global media ethics, Introduces one of the first codes of conduct for a journalism that is global in reach and impact. Includes both philosophical considerations and practical elements in its establishment of new media ethics guidelines

THE AUTHOR SUBMITS THAT THE WIDESPREAD VIEW AMONG RADICAL SOCIAL SCIENTISTS THAT AGENCIES OF SOCIALIZATION IN AMERICA SUCH AS SCHOOLS DISSEMINATE THE VALUES OF THE RULING CLASS IS TENDENTIOUS & LARGELY FALSE. HE ANALYZES THE APPROACH OF RADICAL &/OR MARXIST ACADEMICS TO PRINCIPLES OF PLURALIST DEMOCRACY & TO PROFESSIONAL CONDUCT & SCHOLARLY INTEGRITY, & FINDS IT MAY SERIOUSLY UNDERMINE DEMOCRATIC VALUES.

Fiona Wright traces the ethics and politics of radical Jewish Israeli leftwing activists who challenge the violence perpetrated by their state and in their name. She imparts the ways in which activists constantly negotiate their own condition of complicity and the impossibility of reconciling their principles with their everyday lives

'Insurrectionist Ethics' is the name given to denote the myriad forms of justification for radical social transformation in the interest of freedom for oppressed people. It is a set of advocacy systems that usually aim at liberation for specified populations under siege in a given society. While the identities of these beleaguered groups is always intersectional, one salient criterion of group membership is often chosen to be the rallying point for solidarity. Whether the movement is Black Lives Matter, Gay Pride, or Poor Peoples Campaign, at the nucleus of each is a cry for emancipation. The contributions in this volume put forward bold, forcefully argued, provocative claims that challenge in a fundamental and radical way the presuppositions, values, and beliefs that underwrite the systems and structures that insurrectionist ethics calls into question. The volume begins with a section defining and theorizing what insurrectionist ethics is, and then moves to a section studying insurrectionist ethics across the Americas. Additional sections focus on applications of and correctives to insurrectionist ethics, pragmatism and naturalism, and the past, present, and future of insurrectionist ethics.

In The Israeli Radical Left, Fiona Wright traces the dramatic as well as the mundane paths taken by radical Jewish Israeli leftwing activists, whose critique of the Israeli state has left them uneasily navigating an increasingly polarized public atmosphere. This activism is manifested in direct action solidarity movements, the critical stances of some Israeli human rights and humanitarian NGOs, and less well-known initiatives that promote social justice within Jewish Israel as a means of undermining the overwhelming support for militarism and nationalism that characterizes Israeli domestic politics. In chronicling these attempts at solidarity with those most injured by Israeli policy, Wright reveals dissent to be a fraught negotiation of activists' own citizenship in which they feel simultaneously repulsed and responsible.Based on eighteen months of fieldwork, The Israeli Radical Left provides a nuanced account of various kinds of Jewish Israeli antioccupation and antiracist activism as both spaces of subversion and articulations of complicity. Wright does not level complicity as an accusation, but rather recasts the concept as an analysis of the impurity of ethical and political relations and the often uncomfortable ways in which this makes itself felt during moments of attempted solidarity. She imparts how activists persistently underline their own feelings of complicity and the impossibility of reconciling their principles with the realities of their everyday lives, despite the fact that the activism in which they engage specifically aims to challenge Jewish Israeli citizens' participation in state violence. The first full ethnographic account of the Israeli radical left, Wright's book explores the ethics and politics of Jewish Israeli activists who challenge the violence perpetrated by their state and in their name.