Suchergebnisse

Résumé L'année 2011 s'est ouverte par une série d'explosions fracassantes de colère des peuples arabes. Ce printemps arabe amorcera-t-il un second temps de « l'éveil du monde arabe » ? Ou bien ces révoltes vont-elles piétiner et finalement avorter – comme cela a été le cas du premier moment de cet éveil évoqué dans mon livre L'éveil du Sud . Dans la première hypothèse, les avancées du monde arabe s'inscriront nécessairement dans le mouvement de dépassement du capitalisme/impérialisme à l'échelle mondiale. L'échec maintiendrait le monde arabe dans son statut actuel de périphérie dominée, lui interdisant de s'ériger au rang d'acteur actif dans le façonnement du monde.

The aim of this volume is to adopt an original analytical approach in explaining various dynamics at work behind the Arab Spring, through giving voice to local dynamics and legacies rather than concentrating on debates about paradigms. It highlights micro-perspectives of change and resistance--as well of contentious politics--that are often marginalized and left unexplored in favor of macro-analyses. First, the story of the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Syria, Morocco and Algeria is told through diverse and novel perspectives, looking at factors that have not yet been sufficiently underlined, but carry explanatory power for what has occurred. Second, rather than focusing on macro-comparative regional trends, the contributors to this book focus on the particularities of each country, highlighting distinctive micro-dynamics of change and continuity. The essays collected here are contributions from renowned writers and researchers from the Middle East and North Africa, along with Western experts, brought together to form a sophisticated dialogic exchange

Half a decade after Arabs across the Middle East poured into the streets to demand change, hopes for democracy have disappeared in a maelstrom of violence and renewed state repression. Egypt remains an authoritarian state, Syria and Yemen are in the midst of devastating civil wars, Libya has descended into anarchy, and the self-declared Islamic State rules a large swath of territory. Even Turkey, which also experienced large-scale protests, has abandoned its earlier shift toward openness and democracy and now more closely resembles an autocracy. How did things go so wrong so quickly across a wide range of regimes? In False Dawn, noted Middle East regional expert Steven A. Cook looks at the trajectory of events across the region from the initial uprising in Tunisia to the failed coup in Turkey to explain why the Middle Eastern uprisings did not succeed. Despite appearances, there were no true revolutions in the Middle East five years ago: none of the affected societies underwent social revolutions, and the old structures of power were never eliminated. Even supposed successes like Tunisia still face significant barriers to democracy because of the continued strength of old regime players. Libya, the state that came closest to revolution, has fragmented into chaos, and Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has used the recent coup against him as grounds for a widespread crackdown on his opponents, reinforcing the Turkish leader's personal power. After taking stock of how and why the uprisings failed to produce lasting change, Cook considers the role of the United States in the region. What Washington cannot do, Cook argues, is shape the politics of the Middle East going forward. While many in the policymaking community believe that the United States must "get the Middle East right," American influence is actually quite limited; the future of the region lies in the hands of the people who live there. Authoritative and powerfully argued, False Dawn promises to be a major work on one of the most important historical events of the past quarter century.

This book analyzes non-democratic legitimacy during the Arab Spring. During this historic event, monarchs and presidents were forced to defend their rule, whether through Islam, the cultural image of paternalism or the cash flow of welfare. Can Arab leaders still justify apolitical reigns? Are monarchies more respected than republicans or are they too under threat? The author traces the history of apolitical rule in the Arab world, from Islamic roots to the role of Arab leaders in merging religion with socio-economic benefits and cosmetic liberalization. Finally, analysis of speeches given by leaders of Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and Bahrain in response to the Arab Spring are considered. When protesters took to the streets with their slogans, the regimes talked back. This work discusses the weight of their words and why some leaders survived unrest while others were overthrown. Nicolai Due-Gundersen is a London-based lecturer and political analyst affiliated with the United Nations. He is also a political commentator and has appeared on Al Jazeera and CGTN and is author of The Privatization of Warfare.

This book finds that Al-Jazeeras coverage of Bahrain and Syria has conformed with Qatars foreign policy, throughout the last decade (2011-2021). Al-Jazeera Arabic adopted Qatars "double standards" Bpolicy in both countries in the beginning of the Arab Spring, framing Bahrains protests as a sectarian movement, while depicting the Syrian armed conflict as a legitimate "revolution" (2011-2013). The book observes that when ties between Qatar and Bahrain worsened during the 2017 Gulf crisis, Al-Jazeera Arabic has shifted its coverage from being "pro-Bahraini regime" to pro-protesters, focusing on violations and giving voice to activists (2014-2021). The book concludes that the lack of "Peace Journalism" framing in Al-Jazeeras coverage of Bahrains uprising and Syrias chemical weapons attacks has represented claims as facts, and justified military action against Syria. It also reveals distinctive differences between Al-Jazeera Arabic and English, with the former lacking objective reporting standards, and using more sectarian language than the latter. Zainab Abdul-Nabi received her PhD from the University of Sydney (USYD) in 2017 and has taught Media courses at the USYD and University of New South Wales (UNSW). Zainab published her latest research articles in: Global Media and Communication, Peace Review, New Media and Society, and Arab Media and Society.

Neither stability nor change in the post-colonial Arab world can be fully understood without considering the international context, and American Foreign policy in particular. However, the exact nature of America's presence in the Arab world, and the scope and modes of its influence, all appear to have reached a crossroads since the Arab uprisings. 'US Hard Power in the Arab World' traces the US's "power of persuasion" in the Arab Middle East from the onset of the War on Terror in 2001 through to the Arab Spring. With a particular focus on Syria, the book explores the limits of an American "smart power" amid the emergence of a growing indigenous "soft power" whose ire is directed not only at Assad's regime, but also at the violence perpetrated or enabled by the international community, headed by the US. It is argued that the blurring of the two forms of "soft" and "hard" American power has tarnished the credibility of US policies geared to win hearts and minds in the Arab world. 'US Hard Power in the Arab World' narrates the contests between attraction and intimidation, public diplomacy and military occupation, elites and publics, seduction and resistance. Drawing upon a multitude of primary sources, including personal interviews with Syrian activists and opposition figures, this book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars of Middle East Politics, as well as those concerned with American Foreign Policy and the Arab Spring

This book investigates the role of social groups in mobilizing resources for protests in repressive contexts. In particular, it examines the impact of organizations and informal groups on individual engagement in the protests developed in 2010-2011 in Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria. Empirical analysis draws on a wave of events and protests that took place between 2010 and 2021. It explores how, in repressive contexts, spontaneous groups and more established and formal organizations continuously switch from one form to another, transforming themselves faster than they would do in democratic contexts.

Surveying the causes of the Arab Spring, and revealing the governing trends arising from it, this book examines various international relation theories through the lens of the experiences of the countries in the Middle East and North Africa region. It takes the events of the Arab Spring as an outcome of globalization's double movement whose integrative cultural, political and security frameworks devastated nationally controlled economies, undermining the nation-state system and propagating a decentralized and communitarian-based governance structure. The consequences for many plural, diverse societies were two-fold: autocratic nationalism was discarded while decentralized regimes representing communitarian-based politics came to the fore. The author reveals how the formulation of a new communitocratic order rests on the accommodation of this newly emerging communitarianism and explores the major drivers of political transformation, describing the emerging communities, forecasting their governing options and the possible repercussions for the post-Arab Spring states.

The most challenging question today for the citizens of any country in the Gulf region is whether it is heading in the right direction to become a durable, sustainable system, fully supported by its people and capable of being defended from internal and external threats. In The Arab Spring and the Gulf States, Mohamed A.J. Althani, a former minister in the Qatari government, analyses the domestically important areas of demography, security, provision of food and water, and the political and economic systems of the Arab countries at the centre of the turmoil that has spread throughout the regi.

Les événements du printemps dit arabe ont eu un effet de surprise. Surprise certes pour les gens en place, satisfaits d'émarger au bénéfice du statu quo mondial, régional et local. Surprise aussi pour nous, pessimistes par désillusion des révolutions socialistes et des « révolutions » de l'indépendance nationale. Certes, l'histoire n'est pas immédiate. Réapprenons avec Nicolas Boukharine que les surgissements révolutionnaires sont bien vite suspendus par la contre-révolution qui, elle, tend à la permanence. L'ordre rétabli par les forces de l'ordre et l'« ordre économique », finissent par recomposer le désordre établi et ses mises à profit. Parce qu'elle n'a pas d'antécédence politique, la génération jeune qui fait irruption est emportée dans une formidable expérience, celle de la parole et d'espoirs reconquis. Elle va avoir à traverser les épreuves des confrontations avec la gravité des contradictions sociales et des intérêts d'Etat, voire du placement dans l'Etat. Elle aura à défaire l'enveloppe de nationalisme re-proclamé par ceux qui parlent au nom du seul peuple national. Elle va faire aussi l'expérience des retours de bâton et du rétablissement de l'ordre. Puisque sans bagages, peut-elle être porteuse de trans-nationalisme ? Les nationaux parlent aux nationaux ; ce discours réapparaît malgré les ruptures du printemps.

Although there has not been the equivalent in Lebanon of the uprisings seen in other Arab countries, the fragile state has nevertheless been put under increased strain by the events in neighbouring countries. Over one million refugees, equal to one quarter of Lebanon's population, have moved in from Syria, Sunni jihadists and Shi'a Hizbullah have engaged in some fighting, and both the economy and the delicate confessional balance of the country have been threatened. At the same time there has been a rise in Christian nationalism, and friction with Israel concerning maritime boundaries and newly discovered oil and gas in the Mediterranean. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the current situation in Lebanon, and a detailed assessment of the difficulties which Lebanon is currently facing.