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This paper analyzes a closed, essentially linear polycentric city with homogenous households who probabilistically select their workplace and residence locations. The study utilizes a continuous logit model to describe household location choices. In contrast to the classic urban model with deterministic location choices, the continuous logit model predicts noticeable direct effects of more than one workplace on land rents, asymmetry of the land rent schedule around secondary business districts, incomplete segregation of citizens who work in different business centers and, therefore, cross commuting, and incomplete segregation of workers and farmers.

International audience ; This paper highlights how, in the Paris metropolitan region's case, two polycentric spatial planning policies at national and regional levels incidentally prevented the development of a polycentric Mega-City-Region. The national policy aiming to reduce economic imbalances in the French territory has failed to promote a coherent Bassin Parisien system. At the same time, polycentric planning within the Paris-Ile-de-France region restricted the economic and urban growth to the adjacent new towns. This resulted in the reinforcement of the Paris agglomeration, thus limiting further integration of surrounding FURs in a polycentric Mega-City-Region that never existed. ; Cet article présente comment les effets conjugués de deux stratégies d'aménagement polycentriques menées à l'échelle nationale et régionale ont conotribué à freiner le développement d'une région métropolitaine polycentrique élargie dans le cas parisien. La politique d'aménagement du territoire visant à réduire les déséquilibres nationaux n'a pas réussi à promouvoir le Bassin parisien quand dans le même temps la politique en faveur du polycentrisme en ile-de-France a limiter l'essor économique et urbain au rayon des villes nouvelles. Ce qui a conforté bien plus l'agglomération parisienne que l'intégration de la région métropolitaine francilienne aux régions urbaines voisines du Bassin parisien.

International audience ; This paper highlights how, in the Paris metropolitan region's case, two polycentric spatial planning policies at national and regional levels incidentally prevented the development of a polycentric Mega-City-Region. The national policy aiming to reduce economic imbalances in the French territory has failed to promote a coherent Bassin Parisien system. At the same time, polycentric planning within the Paris-Ile-de-France region restricted the economic and urban growth to the adjacent new towns. This resulted in the reinforcement of the Paris agglomeration, thus limiting further integration of surrounding FURs in a polycentric Mega-City-Region that never existed. ; Cet article présente comment les effets conjugués de deux stratégies d'aménagement polycentriques menées à l'échelle nationale et régionale ont conotribué à freiner le développement d'une région métropolitaine polycentrique élargie dans le cas parisien. La politique d'aménagement du territoire visant à réduire les déséquilibres nationaux n'a pas réussi à promouvoir le Bassin parisien quand dans le même temps la politique en faveur du polycentrisme en ile-de-France a limiter l'essor économique et urbain au rayon des villes nouvelles. Ce qui a conforté bien plus l'agglomération parisienne que l'intégration de la région métropolitaine francilienne aux régions urbaines voisines du Bassin parisien.

International audience ; This paper highlights how, in the Paris metropolitan region's case, two polycentric spatial planning policies at national and regional levels incidentally prevented the development of a polycentric Mega-City-Region. The national policy aiming to reduce economic imbalances in the French territory has failed to promote a coherent Bassin Parisien system. At the same time, polycentric planning within the Paris-Ile-de-France region restricted the economic and urban growth to the adjacent new towns. This resulted in the reinforcement of the Paris agglomeration, thus limiting further integration of surrounding FURs in a polycentric Mega-City-Region that never existed. ; Cet article présente comment les effets conjugués de deux stratégies d'aménagement polycentriques menées à l'échelle nationale et régionale ont conotribué à freiner le développement d'une région métropolitaine polycentrique élargie dans le cas parisien. La politique d'aménagement du territoire visant à réduire les déséquilibres nationaux n'a pas réussi à promouvoir le Bassin parisien quand dans le même temps la politique en faveur du polycentrisme en ile-de-France a limiter l'essor économique et urbain au rayon des villes nouvelles. Ce qui a conforté bien plus l'agglomération parisienne que l'intégration de la région métropolitaine francilienne aux régions urbaines voisines du Bassin parisien.

This paper aims to measure the efficiency of different road pricing schemes (Pigouvian tax, flat tax and cordon toll) to address congestion externalities when the locations of jobs and dwellings within a city are endogenous. The model captures the fact that commuters face a trade-off between taking advantage of the wage premium in the Central Business District (CBD) and being stuck in traffic. I find that the Pigouvian tax strategy is not a social optimum due to the presence of two market failures in the urban economy: congestion and misallocation of jobs within the city. A Pigouvian tax on commuters cannot solve two different problems simultaneously, namely, reducing the congestion level given the locations of jobs and reaching the optimal spatial allocation of firms. Without regulation, the number of jobs in the CBD is too high (and the congestion cost is excessive), while the Pigouvian tax generates a CBD that is too small. In addition, a flat tax is not necessarily worse than a Pigouvian tax, in contrast to the cordon toll.

This paper aims to measure the efficiency of different road pricing schemes (Pigouvian tax, flat tax and cordon toll) to address congestion externalities when the locations of jobs and dwellings within a city are endogenous. The model captures the fact that commuters face a trade-off between taking advantage of the wage premium in the Central Business District (CBD) and being stuck in traffic. I find that the Pigouvian tax strategy is not a social optimum due to the presence of two market failures in the urban economy: congestion and misallocation of jobs within the city. A Pigouvian tax on commuters cannot solve two different problems simultaneously, namely, reducing the congestion level given the locations of jobs and reaching the optimal spatial allocation of firms. Without regulation, the number of jobs in the CBD is too high (and the congestion cost is excessive), while the Pigouvian tax generates a CBD that is too small. In addition, a flat tax is not necessarily worse than a Pigouvian tax, in contrast to the cordon toll.

This paper aims to measure the efficiency of different road pricing schemes (Pigouvian tax, flat tax and cordon toll) to address congestion externalities when the locations of jobs and dwellings within a city are endogenous. The model captures the fact that commuters face a trade-off between taking advantage of the wage premium in the Central Business District (CBD) and being stuck in traffic. I find that the Pigouvian tax strategy is not a social optimum due to the presence of two market failures in the urban economy: congestion and misallocation of jobs within the city. A Pigouvian tax on commuters cannot solve two different problems simultaneously, namely, reducing the congestion level given the locations of jobs and reaching the optimal spatial allocation of firms. Without regulation, the number of jobs in the CBD is too high (and the congestion cost is excessive), while the Pigouvian tax generates a CBD that is too small. In addition, a flat tax is not necessarily worse than a Pigouvian tax, in contrast to the cordon toll.

This paper aims to measure the efficiency of different road pricing schemes (Pigouvian tax, flat tax and cordon toll) to address congestion externalities when the locations of jobs and dwellings within a city are endogenous. The model captures the fact that commuters face a trade-off between taking advantage of the wage premium in the Central Business District (CBD) and being stuck in traffic. I find that the Pigouvian tax strategy is not a social optimum due to the presence of two market failures in the urban economy: congestion and misallocation of jobs within the city. A Pigouvian tax on commuters cannot solve two different problems simultaneously, namely, reducing the congestion level given the locations of jobs and reaching the optimal spatial allocation of firms. Without regulation, the number of jobs in the CBD is too high (and the congestion cost is excessive), while the Pigouvian tax generates a CBD that is too small. In addition, a flat tax is not necessarily worse than a Pigouvian tax, in contrast to the cordon toll.