Suchergebnisse

Examination of firms in 47 countries shows a widespread overlap of controlling shareholders and top officers who are connected with national parliaments or governments, particularly in countries with higher levels of corruption, with barriers to foreign investment, and with more transparent systems. Connections are diminished when regulations set more limits on official behavior. Additionally, I show that the announcement of a new political connection results in a significant increase in value.

The goal of this study is to analyze the incidence of dominant owners in the probability of the presence of political directors and the effect of said presence on firm value. The study uses a sample of non-financial Spanish companies listed on the Spanish Stock Exchange over the period 2003–2012. The results show that around half of the firms have at least one ex-politician on their board of directors. Furthermore, the results indicate that dominant shareholders' voting rights and family nature have a negative effect on the likelihood of having ex-politicians on the board of directors. Moreover, the results show that the presence of political connections positively affects firm value. Further analyses show that this relationship is dependent upon the nature of the dominant owner, the use of pyramidal structures, the tenure of board members and the political directors' ownership stake."

Referenciado por Pérez Colomé, Jordi en El País. Día 23 de abril de 2017, p. 28. "El penúltimo ideólogo de Pablo Iglesias" ; The goal of this study is to analyze the incidence of dominant owners in the probability of the presence of political directors and the effect of said presence on firm value. The study uses a sample of non-financial Spanish companies listed on the Spanish Stock Exchange over the period 2003-2012. The results show that around half of the firms have at least one ex-politician on their board of directors.

Referenciado por Pérez Colomé, Jordi en El País. Día 23 de abril de 2017, p. 28. "El penúltimo ideólogo de Pablo Iglesias" ; The goal of this study is to analyze the incidence of dominant owners in the probability of the presence of political directors and the effect of said presence on firm value. The study uses a sample of non-financial Spanish companies listed on the Spanish Stock Exchange over the period 2003-2012. The results show that around half of the firms have at least one ex-politician on their board of directors. ; 245 ; 230

Political connections between firms and autocratic regimes are not secret and often even publicly displayed in many developing economies. We argue that tying a firm's available rent to a regime's survival acts as a credible commitment forcing entrepreneurs to support the government and to exert effort in its stabilization. In return, politically-connected firms get access to profitable markets and are exempted from the regime's extortion. We show that such a gift exchange between government and politically-connected firms can only exist if certain institutional conditions are met. In particular, the stability of the regime has to be sufficiently low and the regime needs the power to exploit independent firms. We also show that building up a network of politically-connected firms acts as a substitute for investments in autonomous stability (such as spending on military and police force). The indirect strategy of stabilizing a regime via politically-connected firms gradually becomes inferior when a regime's exploitative power rises.

Political connections between firms and autocratic regimes are not secret and often even publicly displayed in many developing economies. We argue that tying a firm's available rent to a regime's survival acts as a credible commitment forcing entrepreneurs to support the government and to exert effort in its stabilization. In return, politically connected firms get access to profitable markets and are exempted from the regime's extortion. We show that such a gift exchange between government and politically connected firms can only exist if certain institutional conditions are met. In particular, the stability of the regime has to be sufficiently low and the regime needs the power to exploit independent firms. We also show that building up a network of politically connected firms acts as a substitute for investments in autonomous stability (such as spending on military and police force). The indirect strategy of stabilizing a regime via politically connected firms gradually becomes inferior when a regime's exploitative power rises.

This study investigates the types and characteristics of firms with politically connected directors in the boards of the company. The study uses data from all firms listed in Indonesia Stock Exchange spanning from 2004 to 2006. This study employs univariate analyses to address the research questions. The finding shows that firms with political connections are prevalence in chemical, infrastructure, investment, and miscellaneous industry. Furthermore, firm size is the only variable which significantly affects the probability of being politically connected firms. Specifically, larger firms are more likely to be politically connected. This study implies that the size of the firms is an important determinant in establishing political connections in Indonesia.

This study investigates the types and characteristics of firms with politically connected directors in the boards of the company. The study uses data from all firms listed in Indonesia Stock Exchange spanning from 2004 to 2006. This study employs univariate analyses to address the research questions. The finding shows that firms with political connections are prevalence in chemical, infrastructure, investment, and miscellaneous industry. Furthermore, firm size is the only variable which significantly affects the probability of being politically connected firms. Specifically, larger firms are more likely to be politically connected. This study implies that the size of the firms is an important determinant in establishing political connections in Indonesia. © Iman Harymawan, Dian Agustia, Ardyan Kusuma Agung, 2017.

Abstract
This paper examines the environmental effect of political connections at the individual and organizational levels. We integrate political connections at both levels in a four-stage game-theoretic framework to study the political interplay between an entrepreneur, a bureaucrat and a government. We distinguish individual-level political connections from bribery and argue that while the latter is generally more efficient for the firm aiming to reduce environmental tax payments, political connections become more appealing when the bureaucrat places a higher value on indirect non-monetary benefits. We find that individual-level political connections are associated with more emission discharges by the firm, while the effect of organizational-level political connections on emissions depends on a negative interaction effect between political connections at different levels and a positive resource-reallocation effect between abatement activities and production.

Utilizing a panel of over 2,000 Vietnamese SMEs over a 10-year period, we analyse the importance of being politically connected on both access and cost-of-credit obtained from formal financial institutions. Controlling for unobserved time-invariant firm-level heterogeneity, productivity self-selection concerns, and access to alternative credit markets, we show that political connections decreases the likelihood of being credit-constrained by 4 percentage points. Moreover, politically connected firms accessing credit face lower cost-of-capital than non-connected SMEs not excluded from formal financial markets. However, the impact of political connections is most valuable during periods of financial distress, but less prevalent during business cycle upswings.