Suchergebnisse

Political trust can have a major impact on democratic politics by affecting political participation, institutional effectiveness, and policy choices. Given the significance of political trust for the functioning of democracy, it is important to know how the way citizens relate with political actors and institutions changes in times of extraordinary shock. Using Greece as a case, this article shows that during times of major distress, the way schools and hospitals are run -- the 'social' performance of government -- has an important effect on political trust. This effect is stronger during extraordinary circumstances than under normal conditions. The evidence suggests that international creditors must pay more systematic attention to the administrative effectiveness of social welfare institutions rather than focusing solely on economic performance. Adapted from the source document.

After addressing the meaning of "trust" and "trustworthiness," we review survey-based research on citizens' judgments of trust in governments and politicians, and historical and comparative case study research on political trust and government trustworthiness. We first provide an overview of research in these two traditions, and then take up four topics in more detail: (a) political trust and political participation; (b) political trust, public opinion, and the vote; (c) political trust, trustworthy government, and citizen compliance; and (d) political trust, social trust, and cooperation. We conclude with a discussion of fruitful directions for future research.

Purpose: this study aims to identify the responses required to repair political trust in Tunisia and the differences between two key stakeholder groups, namely politicians and voters. Design/methodology/approach: A qualitative longitudinal study was adopted using two data sources: media data from TV political talk shows; and semi-structured interviews conducted with citizens and politicians. Data was collected following several key events that violated trust. Findings: New responses were identified to repair political trust and these were categorized using a trust repair framework. In addition to short and long-term responses a new category, swift response, was identified to resolve immediate political uncertainty. The role of the trustor (i.e. voters) in actively restoring trust was identified for the first time. Research limitations: This study focused on trust repair responses suggested by voters and politicians and not responses that were implemented by the government or political parties during the period of study. The effectiveness of the suggested responses in repairing trust was not therefore evaluated. Practical implications: Identification of the responses required to repair trust with voters and how these differ over time and according to different trust violations will help Tunisian politicians rebuild trust more effectively during election and non-election periods. Notably, differences highlighted between the responses suggested by voters and politicians suggest that politicians may not understand how to repair voter trust. Originality/value: Contrary to previous studies that assume a trustor (the voter) is a passive observer, this research identified the proactive role that citizens play in the trust repair process.

This study examines relative trust in national versus local institutions in South Asia using a tripartite framework that combines political and economic performance with religious identity to explain the three categories of relative trust that correspond to individuals whose trust in national institutions is stronger than, equal to, or weaker than their trust in local institutions. In particular, religious minorities in South Asia are often discriminated against and poorly represented at the national level but tend to cluster in local communities, which erodes their trust in national institutions but not necessarily in local institutions. The empirical analysis of two waves of South Asian Barometer surveys eight years apart produced consistent results which suggest that the religious segregation and discrimination in South Asian countries tilt relative trust patterns among religious minorities in favor of local institutions at the expense of national ones.

Electoral activity in Poland is not entrenched in law in the sense that there is no institutional compulsion to vote. All law is largely the result of a lack of trust, as it clearly and explicitly outlines a series of expectations and requirements, and the consequences of failure to comply with them. Th us, political and electoral activation of the citizens requires a foundation that will motivate individuals to exercise their right to vote. Cooperation, commitment to common goals, and social development require cooperation and risk-taking associated with the division of responsibilities for joint action. Ability to deal with risk, in turn, requires at least a minimum degree of certainty, which is the essence of trust. "All the research shows that success and the wealth of nations depends on three interrelated factors: optimism, conviction of the people that they have infl uence over state aff airs, and trust that makes us relate to others in an open, kind way, in the hope that we will not be cheated, or lied to. Only then can democracy make full use of its social capital"43. Democracy in itself does not guarantee trust, or cooperation of the citizens. It is the only ground for the fl ourishing of trust, at all times when people show even the smallest desire to believe in others. Th is situation only opens the possibility for the effi cient transformation of the diff erent areas of social life, and implementing reforms that will support the development of society.

While political trust has declined in Australia, reaching its lowest level ever recorded in 2019, there remain very few studies on what explains the variation in political trust and therefore what leads to such change in political trust is less certain in Australia. This paper examines the role of political performance, grounded in the valence model of electoral support, in shaping the political trust of citizens in Australia, using Australian Election Study data from 2001 to 2019. Political performance is measured by economic performance, partisanship, leadership image, political satisfaction, and leadership change, based on the valence model of electoral support. The results demonstrate that economic performance, leadership image, and political satisfaction have contributed to a change in the level of political trust in Australia, whereas partisanship and leadership change have not been significantly associated with variation in political trust.