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Abstract
Democracies generate norms prescribing what behaviours and preferences are deemed acceptable. But what keeps these political norms in place? We expect that they are enforced by observers who disapprove of norm-breaching behaviour and are willing to apply sanctions that make it socially costly. We test this expectation with a survey in Spain, where respondents were shown pictures of individuals with different political views. We focus on norms against radical-right preferences, one of the most established political norms. In line with our expectations, individuals disapprove of radical-right preferences more than other political preferences. This makes them more likely to socially sanction those preferences, which they do mainly in indirect ways that do not force interaction with the person breaching the norm. We provide evidence on the individual-level predictors of norm enforcement. Our findings highlight the micro-level mechanisms by which social influence affects the behaviour of democratic citizens.

This book builds a case for how social norms are neither mere conventions nor are they merely anthropological phenomena, which are relativistic. In other words, it talks about how socio-political norms are built out of our natural social behaviour but at the same time also have objective normative validity. The volume puts forth an alternative model called the recognitional model which can help us address some of the socio-political concerns we face in today's world. It addresses the problem with a purely legalistic framework of addressing social injustice in that law, due its universalistic assumptions, regarding human nature, tends to glide over the particular differences that might exist between people. This book discusses how we know that in our daily lives, we value people not only because that person is a legal human being but also because that person is our father, mother, our teacher, etc. There is a whole network of acts of social respect that we engage in with the other in our social sphere which the legal framework can't quite capture. This volume sheds light on the political consequence of legal reasoning in that it is formalistic in the sense that legal relations can't successfully codify the immediate epistemic context from which social identities emerge. An introspective work, this book will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of linguistics, political philosophy, law and human rights, and social theory.

This open access handbook aims to constitute a reference point on political norm dynamics in Southeast Asia, by bringing together the array of normative repertoires that frame the possibilities for citizens to participate in, set agendas for, make decisions in, and contest, not only electoral and institutional politics but also informal and imaginary political spaces. It sheds light on intersecting political and social transformations and their consequences from the vantage point of political norms. While chapters lay out and analyse how political norms across Southeast Asia have been shaped in successive historical phases, the core of the handbook addresses current dynamics involved in defining and transforming political norms.

THE AUTHORS SHED LIGHT ON THE STATUS OF RURAL RUSSIAN POLITICAL NORMS USING DATA FROM LARGE-SCALE SURVEYS OF RANDOMLY SELECTED CITIZENS. THEY FOCUS ON THE VALUES OF RURAL RUSSIANS INTERVIEWED IN 1991-92 AND CONTRAST THEM WITH THE VALUES OF URBAN RUSSIANS AS WELL AS WITH THOSE OF RESPONDENTS IN UKRAINE AND LITHUANIA. THEY FIND THAT, WHILE RUSSIAN RURAL POLITICAL PREFERENCES ARE NOT DISTRIBUTED IN THE SAME WAY AS AMONG URBAN DWELLERS, THEY HAVE SHIFTED IN RESPONSE TO CHANGING CONDITIONS. THE DISTRIBUTIONS LEND LITTLE SUPPORT TO A CULTURALIST APPROACH BUT GIVE STRONG SUPPORT TO THEORIES THAT STRESS THE VARYING POLITICAL-ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF INDIVIDUALS WHO FIND THEMSELVES IN DIFFERENT LIFE SITUATIONS WITHIN RUSSIAN SOCIETY.

The Messenger of ALLAH Almighty, the Holy Prophet MUHAMMAD (peace be upon him) has said "Ar-Rashi Wal Murtashi Kila huma Finnar" that mean "the giver and taker of bribes (corrupt) will both go to the fire of hell". This research analyzes corruption's effect on existing social values in Peshawar region of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A total of 150 respondents were selected as sample using stratified random sampling technique for study using Likert scale as measurement tool in interview schedule. The bi-variate and uni-variate analyses were made for reaching results. The existence of the effect of "corruption perception" as independent variable's effects were assessed on the "social values in political institutions" as dependent variable by applying Chi-square test. Furthermore, Gamma (y) statistics' application was made for finding the bond and relationship's direction. It was concluded that a significant association prevails regarding corruption perception with organized corruption alliance between government servants and politicians (P=0.002), politicians who are corrupt do safeguard corrupt interests (P=0.000) and favoured political environment (P=0.000). Moreover, posting candid politicians on significant government posts (P=0.000), removing political influence form bureaucracy (P=0.000), making politicians accountable to agencies related to stopping corruption (P=0.000), recompensing politicians of honesty (P=0.033), sensitizing politicians to be aware of corruption (P=0.000) and applying court's judgements regarding reducing corruption (P=0.000) were found significantly associated with improving state of corruption.

Part I. Introductory Part -- Chapter 1: Introduction - Political Norms in Southeast Asia: Overlapping registers and shifting practices -- Chapter 2: Institutional Pluralism and Interactions between Normative Systems: A theoretical overview -- Part II. Transnational Imprints on Political Norms -- Chapter 3: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A normative benchmark for Southeast Asia? -- Chapter 4: Normalising Authoritarianism: Authoritarian rule of law in Singapore and Hong Kong -- Chapter 5: The Draft Law on Association in Vietnam: Legal, political and practical norms under debate -- Chapter 6: Christian NGOs: From marginal liberation theologists to regional policy-shapers -- Chapter 7: Mapping the Transnationalisation of Social Movements through Online Media: The case of the Milk Tea Alliance -- Chapter 8: Does China have a Model to Export?, an Interview with Chloé Froissart -- Chapter 9: Human Rights Work in the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, an Interview with Yuyun Wahyuningrum -- Part III. Governmental Re-Orientations -- Chapter 10: The Mall and the Mosque: Conflicting norms in Brunei Darussalam -- Chapter 11: Timor-Leste: Constitutional provisions, political conventions and legitimacy under strain -- Chapter 12: The Singaporean Battlefield for the Chinese New World Order: Norms in the security domain -- Chapter 13: Lao PDR: The politics of stability in turbulent times -- Chapter 14: Authoritarian Fantasies and Democratic Aspirations: The Philippines after Duterte -- Chapter 15: Beyond Leftist-Phobia: Political prejudice and stigma in Indonesia -- Chapter 16: The Underbelly of Indonesia-China relations, Excerpts from an interview with Faisal Basri -- Part IV. Vernacular Institutions -- Chapter 17: What's Asia Got to Do with It? "Asian Values" as reactionary culturalism -- Chapter 18: Military Norms in Southeast Asia: Comparing the cases of Thailand and Burma -- Chapter 19: Grounding the Shifting Political Registers in a Potent Cambodian Landscape -- Chapter 20: Moderate Islamic Organisations and Contestation over Political Theology: The responses by Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah towards Islamism in Indonesia -- Chapter 21: The Rise of Indigenous Peoples Rights in Southeast Asia: Recent advances and current challenges -- Chapter 22: Khmer Buddhism and the Moderation of Political Power in Cambodia -- Chapter 23: Social Regulatory Regimes in Northern Vietnam: How interpersonal network norms, state laws and market rules interact -- Chapter 24: Malay Kingship in Contemporary Malaysia: From cultural legitimacy to social proficiency -- Chapter 25: Royalism in Cambodia Today, an interview with Prince Sisowath Thomico -- Part V. Against Orthodoxies -- Chapter 26: Photo Portfolio: Myanmar Streets of Protest -- Chapter 27: The Contested Domain of Political Space in Southeast Asia -- Chapter 28: Urbanised Villagers and Political Change in Southeast Asia, Duncan McCargo -- Chapter 29: Rhizomatic Protest, Generational Affinity and DigitalRefuge: Southeast Asia's new youth movements -- Chapter 30: The Development of an LBT Movement in Indonesia: Post-reformasi identity politics -- Chapter 31: Making Claims Modestly: The norms and discourse driving land conflicts in rural Indonesia -- Chapter 32: The Bersih Movement and Political Rights in Malaysia, Khoo Ying Hooi -- Chapter 33: Awas Polisi! Anarchists and punks transgressing normative 'politeness' while resisting state repression in Indonesia -- Chapter 34: Human Rights Activism in Indonesia, an Interview with Usman Hamid.

The Messenger of ALLAH Almighty, the Holy Prophet MUHAMMAD (peace be upon him) has said "Ar-Rashi Wal Murtashi Kila huma Finnar" that mean "the giver and taker of bribes (corrupt) will both go to the fire of hell". This research analyzes corruption's effect on existing social values in Peshawar region of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A total of 150 respondents were selected as sample using stratified random sampling technique for study using Likert scale as measurement tool in interview schedule. The bi-variate and uni-variate analyses were made for reaching results. The existence of the effect of "corruption perception" as independent variable's effects were assessed on the "social values in political institutions" as dependent variable by applying Chi-square test. Furthermore, Gamma (y) statistics' application was made for finding the bond and relationship's direction. It was concluded that a significant association prevails regarding corruption perception with organized corruption alliance between government servants and politicians (P=0.002), politicians who are corrupt do safeguard corrupt interests (P=0.000) and favoured political environment (P=0.000). Moreover, posting candid politicians on significant government posts (P=0.000), removing political influence form bureaucracy (P=0.000), making politicians accountable to agencies related to stopping corruption (P=0.000), recompensing politicians of honesty (P=0.033), sensitizing politicians to be aware of corruption (P=0.000) and applying court's judgements regarding reducing corruption (P=0.000) were found significantly associated with improving state of corruption.

The Messenger of ALLAH Almighty, the Holy Prophet MUHAMMAD (peace be upon him) has said "Ar-Rashi Wal Murtashi Kila huma Finnar" that mean "the giver and taker of bribes (corrupt) will both go to the fire of hell". This research analyzes corruption's effect on existing social values in Peshawar region of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A total of 150 respondents were selected as sample using stratified random sampling technique for study using Likert scale as measurement tool in interview schedule. The bi-variate and uni-variate analyses were made for reaching results. The existence of the effect of "corruption perception" as independent variable's effects were assessed on the "social values in political institutions" as dependent variable by applying Chi-square test. Furthermore, Gamma (y) statistics' application was made for finding the bond and relationship's direction. It was concluded that a significant association prevails regarding corruption perception with organized corruption alliance between government servants and politicians (P=0.002), politicians who are corrupt do safeguard corrupt interests (P=0.000) and favoured political environment (P=0.000). Moreover, posting candid politicians on significant government posts (P=0.000), removing political influence form bureaucracy (P=0.000), making politicians accountable to agencies related to stopping corruption (P=0.000), recompensing politicians of honesty (P=0.033), sensitizing politicians to be aware of corruption (P=0.000) and applying court's judgements regarding reducing corruption (P=0.000) were found significantly associated with improving state of corruption.