Suchergebnisse

This paper outlines several popular utilitarian stances in addition to moral reasoning for a person's decision on where they fall in regards to the argument of capital punishment. Using outside materials from accredited sources as well as personal advances, the construction of these ideals appears to be quite strong in the decision process. After giving insight on the background surrounding popular rationale of choice, the paper then seeks to discover what drives individuals the most in that choice. With a uniquely constructed survey for the purposes of this study alone, a sample that is representational to the demographics of society was able to be tested for the research. Inspired by the return of political importance the years of 2007 and 2008 have brought, a renaissance of sorts, the testing of political affiliation within the criminal justice system seemed only logical. The project was undertaken to determine whether or not political affiliation had an effect on where people stand on the issue of the death penalty. It was ascertained that there was in fact a strong relationship between which political party individuals aligned themselves with, most notably Democrats and Republicans and how they felt about the death penalty. ; FSU Undergraduate Honors Thesis ; Criminology & Criminal Justice

The social role of universities has been subject to a lengthy debate as to whether those who teach in the academy are system legitimizing conservatives or radicals helping to generate critical thinking and challenge to the status quo. Despite this controversy, neoconservatives in the U.S. have used the evidence of professors' strong support for the Democratic candidates as an indication of universities being dominated by left-leaning radicals. The aim of this paper is to evaluate political affiliations of Canadian university professors, based on a national survey conducted in 2000. The study shows that Canadian professors' political affiliation can be identified as left and/or right depending on how we conceptualize the political orientation of political parties. Although, university professors tended to vote to the Liberal Party more than other parties, they themselves are more likely to view this party as a centrist party. Moreover, the study highlights a complex and non-monolithic picture of the Canadian academy. University professors are not politically homogenous but that their party vote depends on the prestige of their university, their discipline, gender, ethnicity, marital status, generation and extent of their own liberalism.

Résumé. Le rôle social des universités fait depuis longtemps l'objet d'un débat sur l'orientation politique des professeurs : sont-ils des conservateurs qui légitiment le statu quo, ou des radicaux qui aident à créer une pensée critique qui le conteste? Le but du présent article est d'évaluer les affiliations politiques des professeurs canadiens telles qu'elles se dégagent d'un sondage national effectué en 2000. L'étude montre que leur affiliation politique peut être décrite comme de gauche ou de droite, selon la conception qu'on a de l'orientation des partis politiques. Ils votent plus souvent pour les Libéraux que pour d'autres partis, les voyant comme un parti du centre. D'ailleurs, l'étude donne des universités canadiennes un tableau complexe et nullement monolithique. Les professeurs n'ont pas de vues homogènes, ils votent en partie selon le prestige de leur université, leur discipline, leur sexe, leurs antécédents ethniques, leur situation de famille, leur âge et leur attitude envers le libéralisme.

For this study, we are addressing whether an individual who is more extreme in their political ideation is more likely to have a conspiracy mindset than individuals who identify as more moderate. We hypothesize that as political extremism increases among individuals, the likelihood of having a conspiracy mindset also increases compared to those who are more moderate. To test this prediction, we incorporated two preexisting questionnaires to gather information on political ideation and conspiracy beliefs.

The complexities of the Iranian media ecosystem become most apparent during the election season when the heightened political climate leads to intensified scrutiny to and reliance on print media. In the absence of political parties, the press serves as a valuable tool during election campaigns, and this report highlights the shifting allegiances in national publications with a focus on politics, economics, and society. Newspapers are divided by faction (Pro-government Conservative, Traditional Conservative, Critical-of-the-Government Conservative, Affiliated with Reformists, and Reformist), and labeled with their 2009 political affiliations, their expected affiliations for 2013, and their stance on reformists. Once the Guardian Council releases the final vetted candidates on May 24th, these newspapers will become active in supporting their preferred factions or candidates.

Der Beitrag stellt die Rolle und Ziele der militärischen Formationen in Kroatien und Serbien im jugoslawischen Bürgerkrieg dar. Sowohl die Jugoslawische Volksarmee als auch die verschiedenen Privatarmeen und irregulären Verbände werden in diesem Zusammenhang beleuchtet. Abschließend wird die Reaktion der militärischen Formationen auf die internationalen Friedensbemühungen dargestellt. (BIOst-Srt)

This paper examines whether CEO risk aversion – proxied by their political affiliation – explains the method used to manage earnings. We argue that, even though real earnings management can have severe long-term consequences for firm performance, Republican managers are likely to prefer real over accruals-based earnings management because the former incurs significantly lower litigation risk costs than the latter and is relatively more difficult to detect. Based on a sample of more than 20,000 firm-year observations, we find that firms led by Republican (i.e. more risk averse) CEOs tend to manage their earnings through real activities manipulation, while those led by Democratic (i.e. more risk taking) CEOs tend to favor accruals-based earnings management. We also show that the positive (negative) relation between Republican-leaning managers and real (accruals-based) is more positive (less negative) for CEOs whose compensation is more oriented towards risk-taking.

This paper examines whether CEO risk aversion – proxied by their political affiliation – explains the method used to manage earnings. We argue that, even though real earnings management can have severe long-term consequences for firm performance, Republican managers are likely to prefer real over accruals-based earnings management because the former incurs significantly lower litigation risk costs than the latter and is relatively more difficult to detect. Based on a sample of more than 20,000 firm-year observations, we find that firms led by Republican (i.e. more risk averse) CEOs tend to manage their earnings through real activities manipulation, while those led by Democratic (i.e. more risk taking) CEOs tend to favor accruals-based earnings management. We also show that the positive (negative) relation between Republican-leaning managers and real (accruals-based) is more positive (less negative) for CEOs whose compensation is more oriented towards risk-taking.

This paper examines whether CEO risk aversion – proxied by their political affiliation – explains the method used to manage earnings. We argue that, even though real earnings management can have severe long-term consequences for firm performance, Republican managers are likely to prefer real over accruals-based earnings management because the former incurs significantly lower litigation risk costs than the latter and is relatively more difficult to detect. Based on a sample of more than 20,000 firm-year observations, we find that firms led by Republican (i.e. more risk averse) CEOs tend to manage their earnings through real activities manipulation, while those led by Democratic (i.e. more risk taking) CEOs tend to favor accruals-based earnings management. We also show that the positive (negative) relation between Republican-leaning managers and real (accruals-based) is more positive (less negative) for CEOs whose compensation is more oriented towards risk-taking.

This paper examines whether CEO risk aversion – proxied by their political affiliation – explains the method used to manage earnings. We argue that, even though real earnings management can have severe long-term consequences for firm performance, Republican managers are likely to prefer real over accruals-based earnings management because the former incurs significantly lower litigation risk costs than the latter and is relatively more difficult to detect. Based on a sample of more than 20,000 firm-year observations, we find that firms led by Republican (i.e. more risk averse) CEOs tend to manage their earnings through real activities manipulation, while those led by Democratic (i.e. more risk taking) CEOs tend to favor accruals-based earnings management. We also show that the positive (negative) relation between Republican-leaning managers and real (accruals-based) is more positive (less negative) for CEOs whose compensation is more oriented towards risk-taking.

There is little question that higher education within the United States is largely perceived as a liberal organ. Indeed, within both the professorate and the student body, the liberal demographic has maintained a steady and often dramatic majority. A modest liberalization effect has been found among students across the nation, and those within the social sciences have exhibited greater-than-average liberal-to-conservative ratios. Stemming from both stereotypes and general data, many politically conservative affiliates have trumpeted their political ideologues as the alienated, maligned, and even persecuted minority. From accusations of liberal indoctrination to the dismissal of opposing views, many conservatives have heatedly spoken against the nationwide institution of higher learning. Naturally, like-individuals associate with one another, and quite predictably, collegiate learning has revealed an at times compact conservative minority within specific colleges and universities, even to the point of reaching a prominent majority within these few institutions. It was hypothesized that Cedarville University, consistent with data from 2004, would reveal a strong conservative majority. While results upon polling were relatively consistent with this hypothesis, the demographic spread was unexpectedly consistent with results revealed in the 2004 original study. Moreover, the recent data revealed several statistically significant trends that prompted multiple hypotheses. A biannual survey is encouraged for future research in order to comprehensively examine the political affiliation trends of a unique student body.