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The labelling career of the Lebanese armed group and political party Hizbullah is an interesting case with which to investigate the epistemological consequences of the politics of naming. Having found itself since its inception in the mid-1980s on the receiving end of mainly US and Israeli policy makers' and analysts' scorn for being an archetypical terrorist organisation, Hizbullah has been surprisingly successful in achieving its stated aims and in enduring the verbal and military onslaught against it. Although it is not the intention here to reduce explanations for Hizbullah's durability to discursive politics, this article suggests that both the labelling of Hizbullah as terrorist and, conversely, its identification as a "lebanonised" political force that is about to make its conversion into an unarmed political party are misleading and incapable of grasping this organisation's complexities. (InWent/GIGA)

ABSTRACTThis article gives three reasons why development scholars concerned with civil society should move beyond an enemy perception of the private sector. First, private entrepreneurs are important social actors in development, possessing a variety of motivations and behaviours which defy monolithic perceptions. Second, entrepreneurs — active and retired — are moving away from passive charity and become active participants in civil society and in international development co‐operation. Third, private sector discourses about development need to be unpacked and critically confronted. Here we examine the case for Corporate Social Responsibility: we conclude that established enemy perceptions block learning about and from the private sector. The private sector should be both welcomed and critically engaged, and that requires established civil society thinkers to re‐examine the accuracy of their perceptions about the behaviour of private sector actors.

According to the author, Mao's key concern in his analysis of the USA was always how to estimate American influence on the survival and security of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and, after 1 October 1949, of the PRC. He (He Di) examines Mao's perceptions of the USA paying special attention to how he (Mao) regarded the USA as the main threat between 1950 and 1957, how he challenged a declining American imperialism 1958-69 and the sources of Mao's ambivalent view of the USA. (DÜI-Sen)

This book explores elite perceptions of the external threats facing the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), drawing on Dr. Tilman's interviews with senior political, military, and intellectual leaders in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand

Mao Zedong's key concern in his analysis of the United States was always how to estimate American influence on the survival and security of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and, after 1 October 1949, of the People's Republic of China (PRC). But on 21 February 1972, Richard Nixon, the first American president ever to set foot on Chinese soil, began what he called "the week that changed the world." This was also perhaps the most significant day in the 200-year history of Sino-U.S. relations. To prepare for it Nixon read extensive background materials on China, listened to specialists' advice on how to deal with his Chinese counterparts, and even practised eating with chopsticks. Nevertheless, he still felt nervous, fearing that he might be subjected to the humiliation previously encountered by Western barbarians who had journeyed to the court of the Chinese Emperor in an earlier age.

There is now a well-established literature on the various second-order effects of the adoption of proportional representation in New Zealand. One feature of the contemporary executive landscape, however, remains substantially under-researched. This article reports on research regarding ministerial advisers in New Zealand Cabinet ministers' offices. More specifically, it compares senior public servants' current attitudes towards ministerial advisers with pre-MMP speculation regarding the possible future influence of such advisers. The article concludes that while there are concerns about the possible long-term influence of political advisers, for the majority of senior officials working relationships with ministerial advisers are positive & productive. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.