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This Brief reviews the history of foot patrol and the recent, research-driven resurgence of foot patrol in places such as Philadelphia. It summarizes and critiques existing literature on the subject, examining the efficacy of foot patrol. At the time the Philadelphia Foot Patrol Experiment was published, popular opinion about foot patrol was that it might improve community perception of police and reduce fear of crime, but it did not have a concrete crime prevention benefit. The Philadelphia Experiment represented a major examination of this concept, involving over 200 officers in 60 locations over a two-year period, in some of the highest violent crime areas of Philadelphia. The results suggested that a targeted hot spots-oriented foot patrol strategy did contribute to violent crime reduction. Four years later, the lead author of that seminal experiment explores its findings, together with the findings of the Philadelphia Policing Tactics Experiment, and examines their differences. This work also explores officer experiences with foot patrol. This Brief concludes with policy recommendations about foot patrol, when and how to implement it, and the benefits it can add to a police department. This Brief will be of interest to researchers in Criminology and Criminal Justice, particularly with an interest in Police Studies, and related fields such as sociology and public policy. It will also be of interest to practitioners and policy makers interested in evidence-based policing.

Using observational data from two metropolitan police departments, McCluskey studies citizen compliance with police requests for self-control in face-to-face encounters. The central question is whether coercive tactics (e.g. commanding a suspect) or "procedurally just" tactics (e.g. giving a suspect the opportunity to tell his or her side of the situation) are more powerful in explaining citizen's decisions to comply with police requests. A series of multivariate logistic models indicate that the "justness" of police tactics has the greatest power in explaining why citizens comply with police requests for self-control

Professor Ericson and his colleagues followed the work of patrol officers in a large Canadian regional police force. From their direct observations comes a wealth of information, quantitatively assembled and qualitatively discussed, with insights into the nature of policing. This book reveals that the police are not mere 'referees' of our legal lives, blowing the whistle on our infractions. They are censors of certain types of possibly wrong actions. They are selective in their invocation of criminal law and use the law artfully to restore settings to orderliness. Ericson emphasizes the routine manner in which the patrol officer intervenes and gains compliance fron the citizenry. He demonstrates that when the criminal process is invoked, the police maintain fundamental control over the court outcome. Using these findings, he addresses basic questions about the role of police in relation to crime and how it is produced, literally, by the patrol officer. Crime is also seen as the primary basis of police legitimacy, which in turn enables the police to engage in broad surveillance and information-gathering. The author's conclusions about the nature of policing and his discussion of the implications of proposals for reform of police, will generate better-informed deliberation in political and public decision-making and in the general study of sociological theory

"This book provides an ethnography of street-level policing in the United States and offers an analysis with valuable lessons for today's law enforcement officers. Author George C. Klein, sociologist and former police officer, explores the characteristics of policing in a suburb outside of large Midwestern city in the United States. As a participant-observation fieldworker, he functioned as an ethnographic researcher, recording with a sociological eye the "real world" tasks of policing, including the ordinary as well as the more remarkable aspects of day-to-day law enforcement. He approaches the data with three levels of analysis, looking at embedded issues in policing, such as discretion, danger, corruption, cynicism, race, and class; a mid-range analysis that examines police work as an example of street-level bureaucracy; and a global analysis assessing the entrenched roles of race, class, and demography in police work, as well as, society, in the U.S. This book focuses on the need for police officers to solve social problems that other institutions in society are unwilling, or unable, to solve. It examines a myriad of issues, such as police socialization, the use of force by police officers, stress levels and suicide risk factors, disparate styles of policing, police militarization, de-escalation, and more. With compelling detail, the author helps the reader understand the turmoil regarding policing in the United States today. It is ideal for police professionals as well as students and scholars of criminal justice, criminology, sociology, psychology, history, political science and journalism"--

Hassell studies police organizational cultures and patrol practices through close participant observation in a large, municipal Midwestern police department. Her work uncovers that organizational cultures are formed at the precinct level. Police patrol practices, concomitantly, vary markedly within this police organization at the precinct level of analysis. Not only were these patterns observed, but police patrol officers overwhelmingly agree that the organizational cultures and police patrol practices vary at the sub-organizational level of the precinct. Furthermore, this study shows some support for David Klinger's (1997) causal model of police behavior ("Negotiating Order in Patrol") but the overall utility of the model, in this context, is weak

Depuis le milieu des années 1990, la croissance exponentielle du nombre d'utilisateurs, de la quantité de données et de services en ligne et l'extension au reste de la planète ont posé de nouveaux défis en terme de régulation de l'Internet, engendrant des rivalités de pouvoir entre organismes de gestion du réseau, gouvernements nationaux, communautés d'utilisateurs et entreprises. Des groupes minoritaires ont décelé les formidables potentialités du réseau pour faire entendre leur voix et s'opposer aux régimes totalitaires. Face à cette croissance phénoménale, les autorités chinoises ont réussi à concocter un savant alliage de technologie de pointe et de traditions politiques ancestrales pour museler l'opposition politique et contrôler le contenu de l'Internet. Le gouvernement pratique à la fois un filtrage de l'information à la source, qui s'appuie sur la collaboration technologique et politique de compagnies étrangères contraintes de se plier aux règles locales pour faire des affaires, une patrouille policière de surveillance permanente des échanges et une autocensure stimulée par une législation et une répression sévères.

A Vietnamese cook, a German journalist, and a Senegalese student-what did they have in common? They were all suspicious persons kept under surveillance by French colonial authorities in West Africa in the 1920s and 1930s. Colonial Suspects looks at the web of surveillance set up by the French government during the twentieth century as France's empire slipped into crisis. As French West Africa and the French Empire more generally underwent fundamental transformations during the interwar years, French colonial authorities pivoted from a stated policy of "assimilation" to that of "association." Surveillance of both colonial subjects and visitors traveling through the colonies increased in scope. The effect of this change in policy was profound: a "culture of suspicion" became deeply ingrained in French West African society. Kathleen Keller notes that the surveillance techniques developed over time by the French included "shadowing, postal control, port police, informants, denunciations, home searches, and gossip." This ad hoc approach to colonial surveillance mostly proved ineffectual, however, and French colonies became transitory spaces where a global cast of characters intermixed and French power remained precarious. Increasingly, French officials-in the colonies and at home-reacted in short-sighted ways as both perceived and real backlash occurred with respect to communism, pan-Africanism, anticolonialism, black radicalism, and pan-Islamism. Focusing primarily on the port city of Dakar (Senegal), Keller unravels the threads of intrigue, rumor, and misdirection that informed this chaotic period of French colonial history.--

Les études sur la police tendent à opposer deux thèses, l'une dite de l'insularité, insistant sur le pouvoir discrétionnaire des agents, l'autre dite de l'instrumentalité, les considérant au service de l'autorité publique. L'enquête ethnographique conduite dans la région parisienne sur le travail de patrouille des unités de sécurité publique, et plus particulièrement des brigades anti-criminalité, permet de résoudre cette apparente contradiction entre la vision d'un État dans l'État et la conception du bras armé de l'État. En s'appuyant sur l'observation des pratiques en matière de répression des infractions à la législation sur les stupéfiants et en resituant la fameuse culture du résultat dans le cadre de la réorientation de la politique pénale, il est possible d'établir que, particulièrement dans les quartiers populaires, l'insularisation de l'activité policière constitue le moyen le plus efficace de son instrumentalisation. Ainsi les gardiens de la paix font-t-ils à la fois ce qu'ils veulent et ce que l'on attend d'eux. L'inégale distribution de l'usage de la sanction et de la force au détriment des populations défavorisées principalement d'origine immigrée redouble et légitime l'inégale distribution des ressources sociales. Tout en justifiant son action au nom de la sécurité collective et du bien commun, l'État pénal reproduit ainsi l'ordre social et, paradoxalement, fragilise l'ordre public.

Le quartier de Hyde Park à Chicago, fief d'une des plus importantes universités privées du pays, est le théâtre d'une situation inédite en matière de gestion de l'ordre public : les policiers privés du University of Chicago Police Department (UCPD) ont peu à peu supplanté leurs confrères du public suite à la signature de récents accords municipaux laissant aux policiers privés la possibilité de gérer activement le territoire à l'intérieur et à l'extérieur du campus. Le travail ethnographique exploratoire auprès des policiers du UCPD entrepris en 2013 et présenté dans cet article analyse les rapports entretenus par les agents du UCPD avec l'espace public et avec les populations sur le territoire, suite à l'extension de leur juridiction. Se pose la question de l'égalité de traitement des populations par les policiers, puisque ces derniers prennent en charge à la fois les membres de la communauté académique, majoritairement « blancs », et les non-affiliés à l'université, résidents du ghetto « afro-américain » alentour. Au fil des sessions d'observations participantes et des entretiens semi-directifs menés lors des patrouilles, on verra l'adaptation de pratiques policières dites « classiques » à la situation locale de Hyde Park, notamment à travers l'utilisation par les policiers à la fois d'un vocabulaire assorti de termes racialisés, mais aussi de jeux langagiers d'euphémisation et de substitution qui mobilisent les catégories locales et masquent la frontière « ethno-raciale ». Ce vocabulaire « écran » est utilisé pour distinguer les individus perçus comme des clients « légitimes » des utilisateurs « non légitimes » du service, et traduit toute la prégnance du racisme institutionnel invisibilisé sur le terrain.