Suchergebnisse

In aktuellen Zeitdiagnosen und kriminologischen Debatten ist die Verknüpfung von Sicherheit, Prävention und Pre-Crime-Orientierung ein zentrales Thema. In der Bearbeitung von islamistischem Extremismus treten Spannungsfelder besonders deutlich hervor, die sich aus einer Verschränkung von sicherheitspolitischen und (sozial-)pädagogischen Orientierungen unter diesen Vorzeichen ergeben können. Zu deren Diskussion ist der Blick nach Großbritannien sehr aufschlussreich. Dort wurde 2006 mit Prevent eines der ersten europäischen, nationalen Präventionsprogramme etabliert, das v. a. sicherheitspolitisch ausgerichtet ist. Um die Einsichten aus der britischen Diskussion auch für hiesige Fachdebatten anschlussfähig zu machen, wird das Prevent eingelagerte Spannungsverhältnis zwischen einer sicherheitspolitischen Handlungslogik und (sozial-)pädagogischen Logiken nachfolgend einer kritischen Betrachtung unterzogen.

Prevent is a UK-wide programme within the government's anti-terrorism strategy aimed at stopping individuals from supporting or taking part in terrorist activities. NHS England's Prevent Training and Competencies Framework requires health professionals to understand the concept of pre-criminal space. This article examines pre-criminal space, a new term which refers to a period of time during which a person is referred to a specific Prevent-related safeguarding panel, Channel. It is unclear what the concept of pre-criminal space adds to the Prevent programme. The term should be either clarified or removed from the Framework.

Purpose
– Nurse home visiting programmes designed to reduce the likelihood of child maltreatment in families at risk have been widely implemented in Australia and overseas. The purpose of this paper is to examine the intensity and duration of maternal involvement in a nurse home visiting programme to prevent child maltreatment.


Design/methodology/approach
– A retrospective, longitudinal design was employed. The clinical records of 40 mothers who had received nurse home visits following the birth of a new baby for at least six months, and had provided consent for their details to be accessed for research purposes, were selected for analysis. The influence of antenatal characteristics and well-being on maternal involvement in a nurse home visiting programme was examined using reliability of change indices.


Findings
– Mothers with impaired family functioning reporting they experienced violence at home were more likely to leave the programme early and received fewer than the prescribed number of home visits compared to mothers who had been enroled into the programme for other complex psychosocial needs. At the same time, mothers enroled on the basis of impaired psychological functioning and who did not report violence in the home remained, and received more than the prescribed number of home visits over the course of their involvement.


Originality/value
– Results showed that domestic violence increased the risk of poor engagement with a targeted nurse home visiting programme. At the same time, home visitors responded to complex individual and family needs by increasing the number of home visits accordingly. This theoretically based pilot research has helped to disentangle antecedents of maternal involvement and the subsequent impact on programme outcomes. Further investigation using a larger study sample is needed.

This is the final version. Available on open access from SAGE Publications via the DOI in this record ; Research on social movements shows a bias towards movements that oppose the status quo. Consequently, state–movement relations are primarily characterised as antagonistic. Where cooperative relationships are considered, the focus is on co-option and institutionalisation of movements. By contrast, this article focuses on social movements that support the status quo and how in their collaborations with governmental actors, they act as para-statal agencies. Drawing on findings from a multi-site ethnography examining the implementation of the UK Prevent counter-terrorism programme, I show how neoconservative think tanks and counter-extremism civil society organisations help to enact and extend Prevent as a distinct form of political repression. As such, this article gives close attention to the otherwise neglected role that non-state actors play in non-violent political repression. My argument builds on and extends emerging work analysing social movement activity beyond the prism of the 'challengers versus authorities' paradigm. ; British Academy

Research on social movements shows a bias towards movements that oppose the status quo. Consequently, state–movement relations are primarily characterised as antagonistic. Where cooperative relationships are considered, the focus is on co-option and institutionalisation of movements. By contrast, this article focuses on social movements that support the status quo and how in their collaborations with governmental actors, they act as para-statal agencies. Drawing on findings from a multi-site ethnography examining the implementation of the UK Prevent counter-terrorism programme, I show how neoconservative think tanks and counter-extremism civil society organisations help to enact and extend Prevent as a distinct form of political repression. As such, this article gives close attention to the otherwise neglected role that non-state actors play in non-violent political repression. My argument builds on and extends emerging work analysing social movement activity beyond the prism of the 'challengers versus authorities' paradigm.

Purpose: To develop a culturally-sensitive intervention for the early prevention of gender-based violence (GBV) in Uganda. Methods: Programme design followed the 6SQuID model of intervention development and multi-sectorial advice. A formative evaluation was conducted in two communities with six groups and 138 participants. Findings: Four familial predictors of GBV were identified as potentially malleable: poor parent–child attachment, harsh parenting, inequitable gendered socialization and parental conflict. A community-based parenting programme was developed to address them. Its programme theory incorporates Attachment Theory, the concept that positive behavioural control develops emotional control, and Social Learning Theory. Its rationale, structure and content are presented using the TIDieR checklist. A formative evaluation showed the programme to be widely acceptable, culturally appropriate, and perceived to be effective, but also identified challenges. Conclusion: The careful development of this community-based parenting programme shows promise for the early prevention of GBV.

Aim: To prevent the development and increase of depressive symptoms in adolescents by empowering adolescents to improve their life skills, to foster their realistic thinking, and to influence school behaviour. Subjects and methods: Vocational track students in grade 8 from the southwest of Germany participated either in a school-based universal prevention programme or a non-intervention control group (standard curriculum). The cognitive-behavioural programme LARS&LISA includes 10 sessions held in a regular school setting in same-gender groups. The programme is based on the social information-processing model of social competence (Dodge, Annual Review of Psychology 44:559-584, 1993) and consists of five basic elements: (1) formulation and setting of personal goals; (2) relationship between cognitions, emotions and behaviour; (3) exploration and change of dysfunctional cognitions; (4) training of social competence; (5) assertiveness training. Results: The programme is extensively evaluated in three studies and has shown positive effects on the participants' social network, symptoms of depression and aggressive behaviour compared to teaching as usual. Conclusions: We have demonstrated that the programme can be successfully delivered to students in a higher vocational track of school (Realschule) by psychologists. Currently it is being evaluated in a lower vocational track of school (Hauptschule) by teachers and psychologists. With LARS&LISA we provide a prevention strategy that can be successfully delivered to a school-based population and integrated into classroom curriculum.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to describe theoretical background, concepts and materials for MEDIA PROTECT, a new elementary-school parent counselling programme to reduce problematic and, in the long term, addictive use of screen media via slowing the increase in screen equipment in children's bedrooms and promoting screen-free leisure activities. The aim of the pilot phase of MEDIA PROTECT was the implementation at a project school with a process evaluation by parents as well as teachers as a basis for improvements prior to a subsequent randomised controlled trial phase.Design/methodology/approach– At t1 and t2, questionnaires were handed out to all 220 families to record media use routines and media-related parenting styles. Advice on media education, information on media effects, plus hands-on technical support for installing protection software were offered to meet the support needs of different parental target groups recorded at t1 (pre-intervention). At t2, parents and teachers assessed MEDIA PROTECT regarding organisation, facilitators, content and duration/length.Findings– In the pilot phase, 60 per cent of families attended the 45-minute face-to-face input, for which high overall satisfaction (53 per cent 'very high', 45 per cent 'high') was reported. The written material was also rated 'good' (59 per cent) or 'very good' (33 per cent). Parents reported moderate positive changes in media-related parenting style. Teachers voted for the inclusion of a mandatory half-day teacher training session in the programme.Originality/value– The primary prevention of problematic media use is a neglected issue. This is despite the fact that ever younger age groups spend increasing portions of their time with screen media, which impairs physical, socio-emotional and cognitive development of children, especially those who are already vulnerable and disadvantaged.

The relationship between Britain's Prevent programme and wider multiculturalist policies of community cohesion has provoked much discussion but there has been less focus on how this relationship has been experienced at the local operational level. This article utilises available empirical data to analyse the nature of this policy relationship, arguing that Prevent has progressively side-lined and 'crowded out' cohesion practice at both the local and national level to the detriment of both counter-terrorism and community relations. Although questioning the need for Prevent, local authorities reluctantly operationalised it through a 'marriage' with an initially equally resourced cohesion programme but the conceptual flaws and political weight of Prevent generated a perception and reality of enhanced securitisation and the side-lining of cohesion. The political solution of the 2011 Prevent Review was an organisational 'divorce' between the two policies and the government departments responsible for them. The article argues, however, that such separation was never possible at the local level and that they continue to co-habit in an unequal and loveless relationship. Despite some positive aspects, the 2011 Review has led to an increasingly securitised and still flawed Prevent, while community cohesion has officially been disowned by the Coalition government.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to describe how and why school-based programmes to prevent or reduce bullying involve parents, and what impact involving parents has on bullying.Design/methodology/approach– A review of relevant literature, in particular systematic reviews and meta-analyses.Findings– The logic of involving parents in school-based bullying prevention programmes is that this increases the likelihood of parents first, telling schools that their child is being bullied, which in turn enables the school to act appropriately, and second, being able to address bullying-related issues effectively at home. Parent involvement is associated with a reduction in bullying but further research is needed to determine if it is a causal factor. Programmes tend not to include a parenting education and support element, despite negative parenting behaviour being associated with children being a victim or a bully/victim.Practical implications– There is good reason to involve parents in school-based bullying prevention. Given the parenting risk factors for bullying perpetration and victimisation, bullying prevention programmes could also usefully offer parenting education and support.Originality/value– The paper focuses exclusively on the role of parents in school-based bullying prevention programmes. It articulates the logic of involving parents and summarises the impact of parent involvement.