Рассматриваются вопросы обусловленности видов парламентских процедур функциями парламента на федеральном уровне и уровне субъектов Российской Федерации. Предлагается авторская классификация парламентских процедур, оценивается их эффективность.The article examines the condition of parliamentary procedures at the federal level and the level of the subjects of Russian Federation by the functions of parliament. The author suggests classification of parliamentary procedures and evaluates their effectiveness.
A WORLD ORGANIZATION OF NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS, THE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION (IPU), WAS FORMED IN 1889 TO PROMOTE THE PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES. THE IPU HAS TAKEN SPECIAL PAINS TO STUDY AND DEBATE DIFFERENT ASPECTS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY INSTITUTION, INCLUDING THE NEED TO IMPROVE PARLIAMENTARY TECHNIQUES AND PROCEDURES. OVER THE YEARS, THIS ACTIVITY HAS GROWN INTO WHAT TODAY IS A COMPREHENSIVE PERMANENT PROGRAM FOR THE STUDY AND PROMOTION OF REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS. THIS ARTICLE DESCRIBES THE CONTENT OF THIS PROGRAM AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF CURRENT CHALLENGES TO THE PARLIAMENTARY INSTITUTION AND OTHER ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN BY THE IPU IN SUPPORT OF REPRESENTATIVE PARLIAMENTS.
Representation on the international stage and the ideological support of power remain the main functions of the Belarusian Parliament in 2015. The National Assembly continues to move in the direction of foreign policy which is defined by the Presidential Administration. Together with the attempts of the official Minsk to resolve the relationship with Western capitals, Belarusian MPs intensify their contacts with European MPs. Feeble attempts of deputies to perform their main function in the legislative process through participation in initiating laws are still not welcomed by the Presidential Administration. The Belarusian Parliament may only correct decisions of the government and those of the Presidential Administration. At the beginning of the year there was a significant reshuffle in the upper house of the Parliament. As a result of the appointment of the former Prime Minister Mikhail Myasnikovich to the post of the Speaker of the Council of the Republic the presence of this state institution in the public space significantly increased. However, the functions and the role of the chamber of territorial representation in the Belarusian political system have not changed. The price of staying in the Council for big business is reviewed and enhanced. Trends: • Some attempts of MPs to participate in the legislative process through the initiation of legislation are constrained by the presidential administration; • Belarusian parliamentarians demonstrated willingness to negotiate on issues of concern to expand contacts with their Western colleagues; • Belarusian authorities are trying to create additional inter-parliamentary bodies in the former Soviet Union to advance their economic interests on the Russian market; • Senators engaged in big business are driven out of the upper house of the Parliament as a result of corruption scandals.
The article is devoted to the definition of possible approaches and criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of parliamentary (deputy) activity. In the course of the study, five criteria for the effectiveness of legislative (representative) activity were identified: the effectiveness of legislative work; the effectiveness of parliamentary control; the effectiveness of working with voters; the effectiveness of organizing the work of committees, commissions, working groups; the effectiveness of the apparatus. Based on the analysis of the selected criteria and the current state of legal regulation, proposals are made to improve the current legislation and the legal mechanism for evaluating the effectiveness of legislative (representative) authorities.
In the early 20th century, zemstvos had the opportunity to take part in the discussion about the fate of the state through elections to the State Duma and the State Council. The connection between the system of representation at the state and local levels was already noted by contemporaries of the political reforms of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Zemstvo institutions can be considered as social elevators for the transition to the highest level of government. Previously, there was no strict criterion in historiography for assessing the representation of deputies from the zemstvo environment and studying their activities in parliament. The authors discovered that more than half of the members of the State Council were associated with the zemstvos, but they supported imperial power in making political decisions. However, the number of zemstvo deputies in the State Duma gradually increased, leading to a clear "zemstvo face" in the 3rd and 4th convocations. The most common channel of mobility was through elections to the State Duma with the status of a glasnyj of provincial zemstvo. Most deputies were elected from provinces where land management, modernization, and movement towards the rule of law was actively being pursued. While there was successful mobility between the zemstvo and parliament in the 1st and 2nd convocations, zemstvo representatives became less actively involved in the political decision-making process as the parliament evolved. By the 4th convoca-tion, the parliamentary sub-elite had risen to leading positions in the State Duma. The authors propose a solution to the question of the continuity and the possibility of an evolutionary path of development in Russian society of the imperial period. The paper addresses the possibility of turning zemstvos into "parliamentary courses" and the basis for all-Russian representation. The authors state that neither parliament nor zemstvos had the necessary fullness of state power. The existing system of relationships between various branches of government did not provide the neces-sary level of public administration and led to a crisis of power. Although zemstvo and parliamentary reforms opened up opportunities for the evolutionary path of sociocultural transformation and political modernization, they were ul-timately lost.
"The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations brings together an international, multidisciplinary group of contributors providing a systematic and comprehensive analysis of parliamentary administrations. Including chapters on the administrations of national parliaments in every member state of the European Union, in most of the EU candidate countries and in key liberal democracies around the world, this book represents a uniquely broad-ranging resource. Each national system is treated in a consistent manner, with authors providing relevant facts, figures, and critical analysis according to a common framework. Additionally, it provides coverage of transnational parliamentary administrations in different regions around the globe and includes a number of cross-cutting chapters, addressing key issues of relevance for a better understanding of parliamentary administrations such as the potential for politicisation, professionalisation, digitalisation or Europeanisation with the comparative analysis of different national experiences. This handbook will enable readers to better comprehend the role and influence of parliamentary administrations and in doing so will enhance our understanding of their importance for the effective functioning of representative democracy more generally. The Routledge Handbook of Parliamentary Administrations constitutes a unique tool and prime reference for any researcher, scholar or practitioner working in the area of parliamentary and legislative studies, governance, democracy, public policy and administration, as well as more widely to European studies, general political science and comparative politics"--
The National Assembly of Serbia which was convened in Kragujevac in 1870 was of the great importance to the development of the parliamentary system in Serbia. For the first time in the legal history of Serbia as a state, the Assembly transformed from advisory to legislative body of the government. Despite not having the right to introduce any legislative initiatives, the Assembly passed the first laws which were passed by the national representatives elected to this body. This meant that parliamentary life in Serbia begun. Passing the set of laws in 1870, the regency additionally developed constitutional matters and in great measure filled a void made by the Constitution of 1869 which foresaw that those voids should be elaborated and supplemented by special laws. Voids in the Constitution and collapse of the regency were the main reasons for holding the first legislative Assembly session in Kragujevac in 1870. The laws relating to the governing bodies which were enacted at the Assembly in 1870, contributed to intensifying the political life in Serbia and it was emphasised some time later. Regular holding of the assembly elections had an impact on connecting political followers with their political leaders since the political prime candidates during the elections strived to make as firm and durable as possible relations with their voters. These laws confirmed that the Principality of Serbia renounced the Turkish Constitution of 1838 and that the regency came into force.
