Suchergebnisse

The historical state-legal development of Germany in many ways is specific, because although the German state was created after the Franco-Prussian war of 1871, certain announcements and elements of its statehood existed even before its official creation. With the Paris Peace Aagreement of May 30, 1814, German states were declared autonomous and joined forces in a federal alliance. The decisions of the Vienna Congress of 1815 were regarded as the fundamental law of the German Union, and its regulation was envisaged by the German federal acts, which in a small part were altered by the Viennese federal acts of 1820. In the second half of the 19th century the conditions for the national formation of Germany matured, and this was largely the merit of the Prussian chancellor Otto von Bismarck. His goal was to unite Germany around Prussia and for that purpose he used manipulation, diplomacy and power. At the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, the strengthened German state and the increased industrial capital it possessed conditioned the demand for "its place under the sun" in the imperialist world politics, which surpassed its state borders. At a time when the colonial policies of the great and powerful states largely captured the springs and centers of imperial holdings in Africa and Asia, the belated birth of this gigantic state has problematized the balance of powers in Europe. The imperialist German project failed in 1918. For these reasons, this paper deals with the legal and political aspects of national Germany, from its creation to the Second World War.

This authoritative study, written by experts in their fields and originally published in 1989, provides a comprehensive introduction to aspects of West German society, politics and economics. Individual chapters investigate West German politics, education, industrial relations, the media and the relations between the two German states.

Is a common political identity developing, or are Germans in east and west growing apart? By and large, earlier approaches to this question have concentrated on mutual stereotypes, on personality traits, or on the acceptance of democratic institutions and principles. Often, though not always, the conclusion is reached that the process of growing together faces major difficulties - if it is possible at all. Taking a somewhat different approach, we think of inner unification as a practical process. Therefore our particular focus lies on the problems uppermost in citizens' minds. We demonstrate that the rankings of political priorities become largely identical in east and west, and that the most important sources of national identification are identical as well. Moreover, there are similarities in personal value orientations which are remarkable in light of the long years of separation. At the same time, differences in fundamental political values are still present, in particular a higher appreciation of an "idealistic" nation of socialism in the east. This "idealistic socialism", we argue, is of limited relevance for political behaviour. Instead, the common political fate, which we infer from the indicators listed above, forms a promising base for the further development of one political identity for the Germans. (German Politics / AuD)