A NUMBER OF RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN INTEGRATION AND OTHER VARIABLES ARE EXAMINED UTILIZING SURVEY DATA. LEVEL OF POLITICAL INTEGRATION IS MEASURED ENPIRICALLY WITH ATTITUDINAL INDICATORS. THE STRONGEST INDICATORS WITH INTEGRATION WERE: EDUCATION. ETHNIC GROUP, MOBILITY, POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE, POSITIVE EXPERIENCE WITH GOVERNMENT, AND HIGH EVALUATION OF THE REGIME.
This research intervenes with the seemingly endless empirical debate that seeks explanation to the notorious budgetary discipline problem in the local government. Some scholars attribute it to social networks, but others emphasize entity internal control systems. Supported by budgetary theory-structural equation modeling (SEM) triangulation, the researchers examined data from 33 districts, seven municipalities, and 345 sub-counties in Uganda (East Africa)'s north-western and eastern regions. The SEM results revealed that socio-economic structures and partisan politics are key social network constructs to predict budgetary discipline. However, another attribute, ethnicity, is not. Additionally, the internal control system mediates the social networks-budgetary discipline relationship as initially anticipated. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.
Discusses the Law on the State Language of the Slovak Republic of 1995 which has been interpreted as limiting the use of Ruthenian, Hungarian, or other minority languages. Examines political and cultural foundations of the law and why it will probably not be repealed in the future.
Intro -- Table of Contents -- Chapter I. Introduction -- A. Background -- B. System of National Accounts -- C. Scope of publication -- D. Collection of data -- E. Comparability of the national estimates -- F. Nomenclature -- G. Country coverage -- H. Country groupings -- I. Revisions -- J. Symbols and data display -- K. General information -- Chapter II. Estimation Methods -- A. Background -- B. Data sources for estimation in national currency -- C. Backcasting of official data -- D. Estimation based on sources other than official data -- E. Conversion to United States Dollars -- F. Conversion to 2015 prices -- G. Geographic regional aggregates -- H. Data quality -- Chapter III. Analytical Tables -- A. Estimation of Main National Accounts Aggregates at Current Prices -- Description of analysis in Table 1A and Table 1B -- Table 1.A. Estimates of Gross Domestic Product in US Dollars at Current Prices by Major Area, Region and Country -- Table 1.B. Estimates of Per Capita Gross Domestic Product in US Dollars by Major Area, Region and Country -- B. Percentage Distribution of Main National Accounts Aggregates at Current prices: Indivudual Countries or Areas -- Description of analysis in Tables 2 and 3 -- Table 2. Gross Domestic Product by Type of Expenditure: Individual Countries or Areas -- Table 3. Gross Value Added by Kind of Economic Activity: Individual Countries or Areas -- C. Growth Rates of Main National Accounts Aggregates at Constant 2015 Prices -- Description of analysis in Tables 4, 5 and 6 -- Table 4. Annual Average Rate of Growth of Gross Domestic Product by Major Area, Region and Country -- Table 5.A. Average Rates of Growth of Gross Domestic Product by Expenditure -Household Final Consumption Expenditure -- Table 5.B. Average Rates of Growth of Gross Domestic Product by Expenditure -General Government Final Consumption Expenditure.
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This study empirically investigates how economic integration influences individuals' national identity. Due to historical reasons and unique cross-strait politics, some people in Taiwan identify themselves as Chinese while others identify themselves as Taiwanese. Using individual survey data with the outward investment data at the industry level from 1992 to 2009, we find that the rising investment in China has strengthened Taiwanese identity and has reduced the probability of voting for the Pan-Blue parties. The effects are much stronger for unskilled workers than for skilled workers, suggesting that outward investment in China may not only have economic impact on the economy but may also deepen the political polarization in Taiwan.
This study empirically investigates how economic integration influences individuals' national identity. Due to historical reasons and unique cross-strait politics, some people in Taiwan identify themselves as Chinese while others identify themselves as Taiwanese. Using individual survey data with the outward investment data at the industry level from 1992 to 2009, we find that the rising investment in China has strengthened Taiwanese identity and has reduced the probability of voting for the Pan-Blue parties. The effects are much stronger for unskilled workers than for skilled workers, suggesting that outward investment in China may not only have economic impact on the economy but may also deepen the political polarization in Taiwan.
The phenomenon of consolidation is studied in various fields of scientific knowledge, which is reflected in the methodological approaches to its research: sociobiological, sociological, anthropological, political, socio-psychological. Solidarity (consolidation) is interpreted as a mechanism, condition, form, level, sign/property of socio-political existence of society. In its extreme variants it can lead to totalitarianism and tyranny or it can be its sign and symptom. The article deals with group consolidation, which is manifested in local group associations of citizens. The connection between the participants in these groups and their joint activities form a resource (social capital), which can be accessed by each participant separately to receive their own benefits. The socio-psychological content of solidarity (consolidation) is reflected in the variants of its interpretation as: support and assistance to the group in solving problems or tasks which it faces; positive attitude towards one's group; coordination of actions of group members, political attitudes they share, identity; the degree of coherence of voters' positions and the depth of political identification. Taking into account the existing theoretical and methodological developments, we believe that consolidation is the process and result of reproduction of the value-oriented unity of the group on the principle of conjunction, which is integrated with socio-political motives, the image of the political future, reflexive capital, group and political identities. It was found that the most significant substantive indicators of group consolidation were: political motive of the need to establish the contact, group identity, common vision of the future of the country, values of patriotism, nationalism, monolithicity, values of individual rights and democracy.
How does regionalization affect national social policies? Although there is an extensive literature on the effects of globalization on social protection, the literature on the impact of regional integration is much less developed. I argue that the distinctive nature of regionalization processes calls for rigorous empirical testing of the domestic policy effects of regional integration. To this end, using an innovative dataset that measures the degree to which countries are integrated into regional economic and political organizations, this article uses statistical analysis to consider the influence of regional integration on government social spending. The results are surprising: regionalization has a significant and positive relationship with government social spending, controlling for other factors, even when the European Union countries are excluded from the analysis. In fact, in the EU countries increasing regionalization is associated with lower social spending levels. These results suggest that regional economic and political integration does not necessarily lead to a "race to the bottom" of social spending. Instead, regionalization appears to accommodate wide divergence in national social policy commitments.
The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between two concepts which have lately enjoyed an increasing popularity among students of the politics of the developing areas. A couple of arbitrary definitions might dispose of the problem in facile fashion, but our present interest is neither in systematic abstraction nor in generalizing the significance of narrow-gauge empirical research. The method pursued rests upon the assumption that both national integration and political development are situationally bound phenomena. Hence, the conclusions drawn from the present exploration are meant to have a temporary, but practical relevance. Because of this assumption, arriving at an appropriate understanding of the problem of national integration in relation to political development is the goal rather than the starting point of this paper.
