Military regime in Greece
In: Canadian labour: Le Monde syndical, Band 19, S. 24-27
ISSN: 0008-4336
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In: Canadian labour: Le Monde syndical, Band 19, S. 24-27
ISSN: 0008-4336
In: Middle East report: MER ; Middle East research and information project, MERIP, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 22
ISSN: 0888-0328, 0899-2851
In: MERIP Middle East report: Middle East research and information projekt, MERIP, Heft 150, S. 22
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 75, Heft 300, S. 391-391
ISSN: 1468-2621
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 58, Heft 342, S. 73-78
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs
ISSN: 0011-3530
World Affairs Online
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 38, Heft 222, S. 75-81
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 38, S. 75-81
ISSN: 0011-3530
In: International affairs, Band 46, Heft 3, S. 553-554
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 52, S. 22-28
ISSN: 0011-3530
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 52, Heft 305, S. 22-28
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 62, Heft 6, S. 1151-1178
ISSN: 1552-8766
Does military rule make a state more belligerent internationally? Several studies have recently established that military autocracies are more likely than civilian autocracies to deploy and use military force in pursuit of foreign policy objectives. I argue that military regimes are more likely to resort to military force because they are located in more hostile security environments, and not because they are inherently aggressive. First, I show that rule by military institution is more likely to emerge and exist in states facing external territorial threats. Second, by examining the relationship between military autocracies and conflict initiation, I find that once I control for states' territorial threats, the statistical association between military regimes and conflict initiation disappears. Additionally, more evidence suggests that civilian dictatorships are more conflict-prone than their military counterparts when I account for unobserved dyad heterogeneity. The results are consistent across different measures of international conflict and authoritarian regimes.
World Affairs Online
In: Armed forces & society, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 357-377
ISSN: 1556-0848
Recent events in three West African states-Ghana, Liberia, and Upper Volta-raise questions as to whether there has been a change in the nature of military coups and military regimes in Africa. All three regimes started off as "populist'"; that is, leaders tried to have direct contact with followers, attacked established institutions, and showed impatience with formal legality and established hierarchies. But in Upper Volta and Ghana, the caste nature of the military was itself called into question. This did not happen in Liberia, and the country quickly moved back toward a personalistic, conventional-type military regime. This essay explores the limits of the innovations which have occurred in Ghana and Upper Volta; it also assesses the meanings of these experiments for the possible evolution of African regimes by making comparisons among the three cases, as well as between them and Afro-Marxist regimes.
In: Scientia Militaria: South African journal of military studies, Band 8, Heft 4
ISSN: 1022-8136
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 62, Heft 6, S. 1151-1178
ISSN: 1552-8766
Does military rule make a state more belligerent internationally? Several studies have recently established that military autocracies are more likely than civilian autocracies to deploy and use military force in pursuit of foreign policy objectives. I argue that military regimes are more likely to resort to military force because they are located in more hostile security environments, and not because they are inherently aggressive. First, I show that rule by military institution is more likely to emerge and exist in states facing external territorial threats. Second, by examining the relationship between military autocracies and conflict initiation, I find that once I control for states' territorial threats, the statistical association between military regimes and conflict initiation disappears. Additionally, more evidence suggests that civilian dictatorships are more conflict-prone than their military counterparts when I account for unobserved dyad heterogeneity. The results are consistent across different measures of international conflict and authoritarian regimes.