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Cover -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction: The Task Ahead-Rediscovering the Liberal Tradition -- 1. The Decline of Liberalism in the Eighties -- 2. A History of Attacks on Liberalism: Patterns of Hysteria and Reaction -- 3. The Liberal Political Philosophy -- 4. The Liberal Tradition in America -- 5. Liberalism and Affirmative Government -- 6. Lessons from History: A Comparison of Liberalism and Conservatism -- 7. The Recognition and Role of Values in the Liberal Tradition -- 8. Liberalism and Community -- 9. A Liberal Approach to Four Contemporary Issues -- 10. The Crisis of Liberalism and the Challenges for the Future -- Conclusion: The Importance of Ideology -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Intro -- Contents -- ONE: Introduction: Rethinking America's Liberal Tradition -- TWO: The Virtues of Liberalism: Christianity, Republicanism, and Ethics in Early American Political Discourse -- THREE: Knowledge and Belief in American Public Life -- FOUR: Premature Requiem: Republicanism in American History -- FIVE: Life Everlasting: Tocqueville in America -- SIX: Democracy and Disenchantment: From Weber and Dewey to Habermas and Rorty -- SEVEN: Deliberative Democracy and the Problem of Poverty in America -- EIGHT: Political Ideas in Twentieth-Century America -- NINE: Why History Matters to Political Theory -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W.

In this wide-ranging interdisciplinary work, Paul W. Kahn argues that political order is founded not on contract but on sacrifice. Because liberalism is blind to sacrifice, it is unable to explain how the modern state has brought us to both the rule of law and the edge of nuclear annihilation. We can understand this modern condition only by recognizing that any political community, even a liberal one, is bound together by faith, love, and identity.Putting Liberalism in Its Place draws on philosophy, cultural theory, American constitutional law, religious and literary studies, and political psychology to advance political theory. It makes original contributions in all these fields. Not since Charles Taylor's The Sources of the Self has there been such an ambitious and sweeping examination of the deep structure of the modern conception of the self.Kahn shows that only when we move beyond liberalism's categories of reason and interest to a Judeo-Christian concept of love can we comprehend the modern self. Love is the foundation of a world of objective meaning, one form of which is the political community. Arguing from these insights, Kahn offers a new reading of the liberalism/communitarian debate, a genealogy of American liberalism, an exploration of the romantic and the pornographic, a new theory of the will, and a refoundation of political theory on the possibility of sacrifice.Approaching politics from the perspective of sacrifice allows us to understand the character of twentieth-century politics, which combined progress in the rule of law with massive slaughter for the state. Equally important, this work speaks to the most important political conflicts in the world today. It explains why American response to September 11 has taken the form of war, and why, for the most part, Europeans have been reluctant to follow the Americans in their

"This book traces the importance of the United States for German colonialism from the late eighteenth century to 1945, focusing on American westward expansion and racial politics. Jens-Uwe Guettel argues that from the late eighteenth century onward, ideas of colonial expansion played a very important role in liberal, enlightened, and progressive circles in Germany, which, in turn, looked across the Atlantic to the liberal-democratic United States for inspiration and concrete examples. In the early years of the twentieth century, this America-inspired and -influenced imperial liberalism dominated German colonial discourse and practice. Yet following this pre-1914 peak of liberal political influence on the administration and governance of Germany's colonies, the expansionist ideas embraced by Germany's far-right after the country's defeat in the First World War had little or no connection with the German Empire's liberal imperialist tradition. German Expansionism, Imperial Liberalism, and the United States, 1776-1945 therefore shows that, for example, Nazi plans for the settlement of conquered Eastern European territories were not directly linked to pre-1914 transatlantic exchanges concerning race and expansionism"—

American Jews have built a political culture based on the principle of equal citizenship in a secular state. This durable worldview has guided their political behavior from the founding to the present day. In The Foundations of American Jewish Liberalism, Kenneth D. Wald traces the development of this culture by examining the controversies and threats that stimulated political participation by American Jews. Wald shows that the American political environment, permeated by classic liberal values, produced a Jewish community that differs politically from non-Jews who resemble Jews socially and from Jewish communities abroad. Drawing on survey data and extensive archival research, the book examines the ups and downs of Jewish attachment to liberalism and the Democratic Party and the tensions between two distinct strains of liberalism

This ebook consists of a summary of the ideas, viewpoints and facts presented by Michael Savage in his book 'Liberalism is a Mental Disorder'. This summary offers a concise overview of the entire book in less than 30 minutes reading time. However this work does not replace in any case Michael Savage's book.Savage argues that US faces two great ideological threats; Islamofascism and Liberalism and that both ideologies seek to destroy the best of American civilization.

It is evident now that the political structures built in the United States over the last half-century depended for their successful functioning on a set of international conditions that no longer exist. The government programs of the 1930s to protect labor organization, promote high agricultural prices, and provide cheap credit would have caused, had the gold standard not been defunct, massive gold outflows, worsening the already severe economic contraction. The postwar offspring of these programs have multiplied under conditions of international trade and finance that in effect permitted the export of excess economic demand. For the last decade, with international circumstances less obliging, the task of whittling government down or at least controlling its growth has vexed successive administrations.