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The defence of the market and economic freedom have been the main objectives of the investigations by liberal thinkers such as Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, F Hayek and L Von Mises. Bearing in mind that the first two economists are the maximum exponents of the Chicago School and the last two of the Austrian School, it is often concluded that the theories of both schools are similar. This book demonstrates that in reality, there is no convergence or complementariness to be found between both schools of thought. The anthropological categories, contributed by Mises, allow us to understand all human phenomena from the view of the man who acts. In this view, economics is part of a philosophical system whose core is the creative capacity of people. Becker's work, on the other hand, is concentrated on the generalization of the homo economicus as the basis for explaining all human behaviour. He generalizes the maximizing principle to explain all human reality, and extends the scope of the application of a so-called scientific and technical view of the world. In this key volume, an important read for those in the fields of economic theory and political economy, Javier Aranzadi argues, in essence, that the tradition of Hayek and Mises encourages a humanistic liberalism, whereas the Chicago School proposes only a technical humanism.

The defence of the market and economic freedom have been the main objectives of the investigations by liberal thinkers such as Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, F Hayek and L Von Mises. Bearing in mind that the first two economists are the maximum exponents of the Chicago School and the last two of the Austrian School, it is often concluded that the theories of both schools are similar. This book demonstrates that in reality, there is no convergence or complementariness to be found between both schools of thought. The anthropological categories, contributed by Mises, allow us to understand all human phenomena from the view of the man who acts. In this view, economics is part of a philosophical system whose core is the creative capacity of people. Becker's work, on the other hand, is concentrated on the generalization of the homo economicus as the basis for explaining all human behaviour. He generalizes the maximizing principle to explain all human reality, and extends the scope of the application of a so-called scientific and technical view of the world. In this key volume, an important read for those in the fields of economic theory and political economy, Javier Aranzadi argues, in essence, that the tradition of Hayek and Mises encourages a humanistic liberalism, whereas the Chicago School proposes only a technical humanism.

A political philosophy that emerged from the Enlightenment, liberalism has a complex relationship with democracy, colonialism, postcolonialism, globalization, and literature. Democracy has been shaped by a tension between "classical liberalism", which prioritizes liberty, and "modern liberalism", which emphasizes equality. Liberalism also moulded the informal empire of free trade, and the "liberal imperialism" that devised a "civilizing mission" to justify formal empire. The development of liberalism has been vital in the anglophone settler colonies, particularly the USA; often, especially in South Africa, it has been focused on racial justice. The neo-liberalism that emerged in the late twentieth century advocates the globalization of unfettered capitalism and personal liberty. Many postcolonialists consider neo-liberalism a reprise of liberal imperialism, with "human rights" replacing the "civilizing mission" as a cultural-imperialist pretext for economic exploitation.

THIS ARTICLE STATES THAT JOHN GRAY'S (A CHAMPION OF CLASSICAL LIBERAL THOUGHT) RECENT CRITIQUE OF LIBERALISM, AND HIS CASE FOR AN APPARENTLY RELATIVISTIC "POST-PYRRHONIAN" POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, ARE SHOWN TO BE WANTING. WEAKNESSES IN GRAY'S CRITIQUE ARE IDENTIFIED AND DISCUSSED: THE CHARACTERIZATION OF LIBERALISM AS UNIVERSALLY PRESCRIPTIVE CONFUSION, ABOUT WHETHER LIBERALISM IS A GENUINE TRADITION, AND MISUNDERSTANDING OF THE RELATION BETWEEN CONDUCT AND THE VALUE OF FREEDOM. A FORMULATION OF LIBERALISM THAT IS NOT UNIVERSALIST ("TEMPERATE" LIBERALISM) IS OFFERED, AND IT IS SHOWN THAT ONE OF LIBERALISM'S VITAL CONCERNS--CONTROLLING POLITICAL POWER IN ORDER TO PROTECT FREEDOM--IS A HIATUS IN GRAY'S THEORY.

"Liberalism" published on by Oxford University Press.

Liberalism will survive this crisis, as it has many others, but it will have changed. The felt need to ensure the security of the economy, and the threats posed to the social order by individuals with potentially threatening capabilities, will require more and more surveillance of our everyday lives and more and more of our participation in those processes of 'keeping an eye out' for anonymous parcels, suspicious behaviours, provocative speech and dangerous thoughts. We will all be enlisted in the Army of Observation, free to choose but self-regulating in our choices. Everyone will watch everyone, and the new age of opto-liberalism will have dawned.