Suchergebnisse

Cover title. ; Includes index. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

When Manitoba joined the Canadian Confederation in 1870, it did not have clearly defined political parties, and in the legislature many members had only a vague or obscure party affiliation if indeed they had any at all. Twenty years later, however, the province had changed dramatically as new settlers arrived, mostly from Europe or Ontario, which it increasingly resembled. As it developed, the province adopted the political parties that were present in Ontario and at the national level in Ottawa. Although party politics was still not as clearly defined as in the rest of the nation, it was beginning to take shape. The Liberal party in Manitoba first took office in 1888, and by the end of the First World War it appeared to dominate provincial politics. Well after the Second World War it continued to dominate Manitoba potitics in one form or another. The Liberals had established themselves as a political force that appeared unbeatable. By 1970, one hundred years after the birth of Manitoba, the fortunes of the once powerful Liberal party were in serious decline. The party that once had enjoyed such glorious success now seemed on the verge of extinction. Within a decade of Manitoba's centennial, the party that at one time could't "do no wrong" could now "do no right", and was practically eliminated from provincial politics by the mid-1980's. In the context of this decline, the 1988 provincial election results were astounding, as the resurgent Liberals won so many seats that they came close to forming the provincial government. In considering the major factors that evidently contributed to the slow decline and sudden recovery of Manitoba's Liberal party, this study identifies the federal Liberal party's influence, the capacity of local leadership, and the increased competition from the NDP. While the purpose of this study is not to give advice, it must be noted, in conclusion, that the Manitoba Liberals have recently fared somewhat better in meeting the NDP challenge when their emphasis on policy has been relatively ...

Some reports dated 1888. ; In double columns. ; Caption title. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

This Master of Arts Thesis analyzes the contours of the Manitoba political party system. By surveying Progressive Conservative, New Democratic and Liberal Party candidates in the 2003 Provincial Election, the study uncovers a distinct left-right pattern among their attitudes. In particular, each party contains its own unique 'alloy' of attitudinal elements. New Democratic candidates hold social democratic, reform liberal, 'New Left', and neoliberal attitudes, for instance. Meanwhile the Tories are divided between their 'progressive' and 'conservative' wings, and the Liberals between their reform and neoliberal factions. These internal cleavages help bridge the gaps along the party spectrum, as certain left-wing and right-wing values permeate the attitudes of each party. Specifically, the survey reveals widespread leftist support for welfare, civil liberties and the environment, as well as cross-party adherence to neo-liberal concepts like affordable government. Nonetheless, despite intra-party divisions and inter-party convergence, the study concludes that there is considerable attitudinal distance between the New Democrats, Liberals and Conservatives, thereby confirming the existence of the 'traditional party spectrum' in Manitoba - with the NDP on the left, the PC's on the right and the Liberals in the centre.

Tables. ; Cover title. ; Attributed to the Conservative Party of Manitoba--Catalogue of the Legislative Library of Manitoba. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Once considered almost extinct, the Liberal Party in Manitoba experienced a phenomenal breakthrough in 1988, yet in 1990 was unable to build on this success. In 1995 though, with a core of six seats in the legislature and a new leader, optimists in the party hoped for an electoral breakthrough. But in spite of its early high popularity in the polls, it suffered its worst defeat since 1986 and lost its official party status in the legislature. Analysis of this loss, using questionnaires and interviews, points to several organizational factors that contributed to the disappointing result. The party had serious internal problems, including inactive constituency associations and a weak executive. A rural-urban split is also still evident and while the party's structure emphasizes participatory democracy this is largely illusory. Because of the dominance of the urban wing, the provincial party also remained closely associated with the federal Liberals. This meant that, during the course of the campaign, provincial Liberals were seen as defending federal gun control policy. This had devastating effects on rural support. Technology also had a significant impact. The Liberal campaign attempted to supply each constituency association with a database program but this came to be regarded as a failure. The party's election readiness committee had notable success in fund-raising and candidate recruitment but otherwise failed to create a strong provincial campaign. An inadequate policy process, a disorganized leader's tour, inexperienced campaign personnel, poor organization, divisions within the party, and one way communication with constituency associations all plagued a poorly run central campaign. All things considered there were too many problems for the Liberal party to surmount during its thirty-five day ordeal.