Labor scarcity in Europe, unemployment in U.S.--why
In: U.S. news & world report, Band 51, S. 44-46
ISSN: 0041-5537
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In: U.S. news & world report, Band 51, S. 44-46
ISSN: 0041-5537
In: Journal of political economy, Band 118, Heft 6, S. 1037-1078
ISSN: 1537-534X
In: The journal of economic history, Band 45, Heft 3, S. 513-540
ISSN: 1471-6372
Many distinguished foreign visitors to the United States in the 1850s commented on the advanced states of mechanization in manufacturing. But why, at the same time, were interest rates higher and the aggregate manufacturing capital stock lower in American than in Britain? We resolve this paradox by noting that British engineers were most impressed by only those industries which relied on skilled workers. Using production parameters estimated from 1849 census data, we develop a computable general equilibrium model of the American and British economies which reconciles the apparently contradictory evidence.
In: Bulletin of Latin American research: the journal of the Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS), Band 9, Heft 1, S. 159
ISSN: 1470-9856
In: Population and development review, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 517
ISSN: 1728-4457
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 514-535
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: Explorations in economic history: EEH, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 376-388
ISSN: 0014-4983
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 514-535
ISSN: 1747-7379, 0197-9183
Recent analyses of the economic role of immigrant workers from Mexico in U.S. labor markets have been advanced from two divergent interpretations—a labor scarcity argument and a social control thesis. This article analyzes the two perspectives, finding little evidence to support the labor scarcity argument. Immigrant workers are instead argued to be tied to social control functions in the peripheral sectors of the U.S. economy. Detail from the historical experience of farm workers in Southwestern agriculture are drawn upon to illustrate the argument.
In: Journal of development economics, Band 135, S. 504-516
ISSN: 0304-3878
In: The journal of economic history, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 277-298
ISSN: 1471-6372
Europeans have been coming to America and commenting about the nature of American technology for over a century. Despite the evident economic changes in the course of this century, the comments on the differences between American and European technology—or, more properly for the nineteenth century, on the differences between American and British technology—have stayed remarkably constant. The factors noted by a few British visitors of the 1850's, perhaps the first technically qualified foreign group to take a careful look at American manufacturing, still form the backbone of discussion today. Chief among the factors noted is the high cost of American labor, but this explanation of American peculiarities by no means stands alone.
In: CEPR Discussion Paper No. DP16928
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In: CESifo Working Paper No. 9528
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In: The journal of economic history, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 383-390
ISSN: 1471-6372
In a recent issue of this Journal Peter Temin has offered a challenging analysis of American labor scarcity and the choice of technology. He deserves our gratitude for attempting to increase the analytical rigor in discussions of this matter, but his analysis is puzzling and, I think, profoundly misleading. This note is meant as a comment upon certain of its oddities.
In: The journal of economic history, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 124-125
ISSN: 1471-6372
In a recent issue of this Journal, Ian Drummond took issue with my article discussing the relation of labor scarcity to British observations of American industrial efficiency in the 1850's. I tried to show that (1) the contemporary observations were not specific enough to show whether or not Americans were using the same technology as the British; (2) even if the observations showed that the Americans used the same technology as the British, it would not follow that the higher ratio of land to labor in the United States had induced a higher ratio of capital to labor; and (3) if the observations proved that the Americans used a more efficient technology than the British, the connection between this fact and the high land-labor ratio was not clear. Under (2), I tried to demonstrate that the land-labor ratio and the capital-labor ratio were separate, and that it was improper to make inferences about the latter from data about the former. In fact, if we assume that land was not used in manufacturing, the data imply that while the land-labor ratio in America was higher than in Britain, the capital-labor ratio was lower.
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 91, Heft 2, S. 500-500
ISSN: 1548-1433