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Cover -- Keywords for Media Studies -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Access -- 2. Aesthetics -- 3. Affect -- 4. Appropriation -- 5. Assemblage -- 6. Audience -- 7. Author -- 8. Brand -- 9. Celebrity -- 10. Censorship -- 11. Citizenship -- 12. Class -- 13. Commodification -- 14. Convergence -- 15. Copyright -- 16. Cosmopolitanism -- 17. Data -- 18. Discourse -- 19. Domesticity -- 20. Fan -- 21. Feminism -- 22. Flow -- 23. Gaze -- 24. Gender -- 25. Genre -- 26. Globalization -- 27. Hegemony -- 28. Hybridity -- 29. Identity -- 30. Ideology -- 31. Industry -- 32. Infrastructure -- 33. Interactivity -- 34. Intersectionality -- 35. Irony -- 36. Labor -- 37. Mass -- 38. Memory -- 39. Myth -- 40. Nation -- 41. Network -- 42. New Media -- 43. Ordinary -- 44. Othering -- 45. Personalization -- 46. Play -- 47. Policy -- 48. Popular -- 49. Power -- 50. Production -- 51. Public -- 52. Queer -- 53. Race -- 54. Realism -- 55. Reflexivity -- 56. Representation -- 57. Resistance -- 58. Sound -- 59. Space -- 60. Stereotype -- 61. Surveillance -- 62. Taste -- 63. Technology -- 64. Temporality -- 65. Text -- Works Cited -- Contributors

1.Access /Elizabeth Ellcessor --2.Aesthetics /Lev Manovich --3.Affect /Carrie A. Rentschler --4.Appropriation /Beretta E. Smith-Shomade --5.Assemblage /J. Macgregor Wise --6.Audience /Matt Hills --7.Author /Cynthia Chris --8.Brand /Sarah Banet-Weiser --9.Celebrity /Suzanne Leonard and Diane Negra --10.Censorship /Terry Flew --11.Citizenship /Laurie Ouellette --12.Class /Laura Grindstaff --13.Commodification /Alison Hearn --14.Convergence /Jean Burgess --15.Copyright /Kembrew McLeod --16.Cosmopolitanism /Lilie Chouliaraki --17.Data /Melissa Gregg and Dawn Nafus --18.Discourse /Nico Carpentier --19.Domesticity /Mary Beth Haralovich --20.Fan /Henry Jenkins --21.Feminism /Susan J. Douglas --22.Flow /Derek Kompare --23.Gaze /Michele White --24.Gender /Rosalind Gill --25.Genre /Jason Mittell --26.Globalization /Aswin Punathambekar --27.Hegemony /Justin Lewis --28.Hybridity /Marwan M. Kraidy --29.Identity /Myria Georgiou --30.Ideology /Jo Littler --31.Industry /Amanda D. Lotz --32.Infrastructure /Lisa Parks --33.Interactivity /Tama Leaver --34.Intersectionality /Brenda R. Weber --35.Irony /Amber Day --36.Labor /Vicki Mayer --37.Mass /Jack Z. Bratich --38.Memory /George Lipsitz --39.Myth /Jonathan Bignell --40.Nation /Melissa Aronczyk --41.Network /Marina Levina --42.New Media /Lisa Gitelman --43.Ordinary /Graeme Turner --44.Othering /Angharad N. Valdivia --45.Personalization /Joseph Turow --46.Play /Matthew Thomas Payne --47.Policy /Jennifer Holt --48.Popular /John Clarke --49.Power /Nick Couldry --50.Production /Derek Johnson --51.Public /Jennifer Petersen --52.Queer /Karen Tongson --53.Race /Herman Gray --54.Realism /Greg M. Smith --55.Reflexivity /Mark Andrejevic --56.Representation /Lisa Henderson --57.Resistance /Stephen Duncombe --58.Sound /Michele Hilmes --59.Space /Helen Morgan Parmett --60.Stereotype /Ellen Seiter --61.Surveillance /Kelly Gates --62.Taste /Elana Levine and Michael Z. Newman --63.Technology /Jennifer Daryl Slack --64.Temporality /Sarah Sharma --65.Text /Jonathan Gray.

Cover -- Copyright -- Contents -- So You're Interested in Politics? -- Part 1: The Horse Race -- Center (N.) -- Centrist (ADJ., N.) -- Democracy (N.) -- Filibuster (N.) -- Folks (N.) (PL.) -- Kitchen Table (N.) -- Partisan (ADJ.) -- Partisanship (N.) -- Policy (N.) -- Progressive (ADJ., N.) -- Pundit (N.) -- Part 2: Structures -- Class (N.) -- Conservative (ADJ., N.) -- Economy (N.) -- Ideology (N.) -- Inclusion (N.) -- Intersectionality (N.) -- Intersectional (ADJ.) -- Liberal (ADJ., N.) -- Materialist (ADJ., N.) -- Neoliberalism (N.) -- Neoliberal (ADJ.) -- Racism (N.) -- Racist (ADJ.)

The Chinese Communist Party is based on an ideology that was once fundamentally linked to social norms and values. The original charisma of the party and its leaders seems to have gone in the direction predicted by Max Weber: that charisma cannot stand the test of everyday routines; it will eventually be rationalized and bureaucratized. The party's slogan of 'three representations' seems to reach out to the 'new social strata,' allowing entry to those who 'became rich first,' namely the entrepreneurs. At the same time, the party struggles to redefine the Marxist paradigm of exploitation in a situation where workers increasingly live under conditions akin to those in England at the time of the Industrial Revolution. Sweeping changes are being implemented but without any modification to the verbal baggage of socialist propaganda.

The Chinese Communist Party is based on an ideology that was once fundamentally linked to social norms and values. The original charisma of the party and its leaders seems to have gone in the direction predicted by Max Weber: that charisma cannot stand the test of everyday routines; it will eventually be rationalized and bureaucratized. The party's slogan of 'three representations' seems to reach out to the 'new social strata,' allowing entry to those who 'became rich first,' namely the entrepreneurs. At the same time, the party struggles to redefine the Marxist paradigm of exploitation in a situation where workers increasingly live under conditions akin to those in England at the time of the Industrial Revolution. Sweeping changes are being implemented but without any modification to the verbal baggage of socialist propaganda.

International audience ; Much has been written on Cold War literature, though until recently mainly from within the national literary frameworks of primarily the USA, Soviet Russia, and China. But was the 'rest' of the literary world of Asia, Africa, and Latin America merely a battlefield for rival ideologies, falling under either American or Soviet influence? This book shows that such a perspective is not only acutely Eurocentric, it also does not do justice to the vitality of literary activism in the decolonizing world, and to the multiple ways by which Third World print cultures broke free from Cold War antagonisms, and from imperial superpowers. Decolonizing movements and Cold War propaganda produced mountains of printed materials—from illustrated news bulletins to cultural and literary magazines with limited and wide distribution, from book series to a wealth of translations. If magazines, meetings, festivals and translations were the pillars of Cold War culture, they all happened through or found their way into print: even meetings and festivals produced reports, dispatches, travelogues, and memoirs. Political solidarities encouraged other print forms as well: the manifesto and declaration, the testimony, the 'letter from', the poem, or the book review—often short, 'portable' forms that suited periodicals, rather than long forms like the novel. The Introduction discusses the keywords of the book--Cold War Print Cultures, Ideology, Form, and Third World—and the main print genres that the essays of this book discuss

International audience ; Much has been written on Cold War literature, though until recently mainly from within the national literary frameworks of primarily the USA, Soviet Russia, and China. But was the 'rest' of the literary world of Asia, Africa, and Latin America merely a battlefield for rival ideologies, falling under either American or Soviet influence? This book shows that such a perspective is not only acutely Eurocentric, it also does not do justice to the vitality of literary activism in the decolonizing world, and to the multiple ways by which Third World print cultures broke free from Cold War antagonisms, and from imperial superpowers. Decolonizing movements and Cold War propaganda produced mountains of printed materials—from illustrated news bulletins to cultural and literary magazines with limited and wide distribution, from book series to a wealth of translations. If magazines, meetings, festivals and translations were the pillars of Cold War culture, they all happened through or found their way into print: even meetings and festivals produced reports, dispatches, travelogues, and memoirs. Political solidarities encouraged other print forms as well: the manifesto and declaration, the testimony, the 'letter from', the poem, or the book review—often short, 'portable' forms that suited periodicals, rather than long forms like the novel. The Introduction discusses the keywords of the book--Cold War Print Cultures, Ideology, Form, and Third World—and the main print genres that the essays of this book discuss

Moral judgments seem related to the emotion disgust. Evolutionary considerations might illuminate the psychological processes underlying this relation. Several studies have noted that individuals who are more disgust sensitive condemn moral violations more strongly. However, this association could result from both disgust sensitivity and moral judgment being correlated with political ideology. To clarify the relationship between disgust sensitivity and moral judgment, we analyzed data from multiple published and unpublished datasets that included the Three-Domain Disgust scale, the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, and a measure of ideology (total N = 2,478). Results showed that associations between disgust sensitivity and moral judgment remained when controlling for ideology. Each of the three types of disgust sensitivity uniquely predicted at least one of the five moral foundations. Moral disgust predicted scores for all moral foundations (largest effect for Fairness/reciprocity). Sexual disgust predicted scores for all moral foundations except Fairness/reciprocity (largest effect for Purity/sanctity). Pathogen disgust had small predictive effects for Ingroup/loyalty, Authority/respect, and Purity/sanctity. All effects were positive (i.e., higher levels of disgust sensitivity were associated with greater moral foundation endorsement). These findings suggest specific relations between disgust sensitivity and moral judgment that are not explained by ideology, shedding further light on the functions of disgust and morality.

After 1978, Maoism as a living mass ideological and social force in the People's Republic of China largely died away. The Party state's legitimacy since that time has been based on a new pillar of economic competence and the delivery of tangible economic gains. But China is still a place where, at least within the political elite, there is an identifiable ideology and associated language that links the aims of a political force, the Communist Party of China, with national prosperity, historic rejuvenation, and the delivery of the political goals promised when the Communist Party was founded almost a century ago – modernity in Chinese society. Ideology has not disappeared in this interpretation. It has just become more concealed, more nuanced, and in some spaces more flexible. For Chinese contemporary leaders, ideology is partly a body of practices, beliefs, and language which have been bequeathed to them by previous leaders, and which show that they are part of the same historic movement that runs from 1921 to 1949, and through 1978 until today. This body of practices is aimed at maintaining a sustainable system of one party rule, as well as an assertion of discipline and control in the core tactical spaces of political power. Under Xi, a group of twelve keywords maps out the discursive space that matters to the CPC today. These terms exemplify the ways in which the contemporary CPC is willing to use ideas from diverse sources, either from its own past, or from classical Chinese thinking, as a means of achieving emotional as well as intellectual impact, and to assist in the delivery of the major Party goal of the twenty-first century – the creation of a great nation with the CPC at the heart of its governance. Underlying the keywords and the ideological space they define is the larger notion of the Party, not just attending to material but also spiritual needs – and creating not just a wealthy country, but also a spiritual socialist civilization.

The implementation of education in Indonesia was mandated by the UUD 1945. The implementation was carried out at the SMAN. Education policy in schools creates controversy as a form of impact on ideology of kiai. The policy deviation is in the form of changes in school curriculum, differences in the learning process, and religion as a public high school identity. This study aims to: (1) find out the ideology of kiai in the dominance of education in SMAN (2) knowing the practice ideology of kiai in SMAN (3) knowing the meaning in the ideology of kiai at SMAN. This is a qualitative research with data obtained through interviews, observation, and document study. The results showed that (1) the dominance of kiai in education due to influence of historical factors in the establishment of SMAN, the role of school committees with most members of Islamic boarding schools, and the political role of kiai (2) Ideology of kiai practices included the formation of superior classes, curriculum changes school identity and extracurricular activities (3) the meaning contained in the ideology of kiai in education at SMAN is a conflict of interest, emancipatory education, economics, and the meaning of polarization. Keywords: Ideology, Kiai, SMAN

This study belongs to Critical Discourse Analysis in sub-branch of Political Discourse. The analysis of this research uses the CDA theory by Norman Fairclough which is widely known as 3D model. Since CDA is closely related to ideology, this study investigates the ideology held by the text producer, speaker. The data used in this study is the speeches delivered by Trump in 2015 as the announcement of his decision to run in the US presidential race. Generally, there are two major topics in them: the dissatisfaction of the current government's work, especially in economical and political aspect, and the negative perception on Islam. These are considered as Trump's ideology. Based on the analysis, it can be inferred that Trump seems to have been successfull in creating his discourse. He has successfully persuaded the audience to be on his side. Keywords: CDA, political speech, 3D Model, U.S., Islam.

In Australian politics, narratives have developed around the ideological lineage of prime ministers from the same party so that, for example, Howard is often compared to Menzies and Hawke to Whitlam. In this article we examine the extent to which the ideology (left-right) of prime ministers from the same party has changed over time. We analyse the contents of speeches the Governor-General delivered at the opening of parliament between 1946 and 2010. We validate a number of narratives around the ideological lineage of prime ministers in relation to their party predecessors, and invalidate others, by analysing the speeches using the Comparative Manifestos Project coding scheme. This article also argues that parties do matter and shows how the addition of coding for ideology can complement the Policy Agendas Project method.

Sparked by the recent reinvigoration of the long-running debate over the competing ideological merits of nationalism and cosmopolitanism by leading Western philosophers, this article presents an argument as to how these two adversarial projects might be r

Sparked by the recent reinvigoration of the long-running debate over the competing ideological merits of nationalism and cosmopolitanism by leading Western philosophers, this article presents an argument as to how these two adversarial projects might be r

Abstract This research describes the phenomenon of formal rural education institutions in Japan which is shown in Atto's anime series Non Non Biyori through the ideological theory approach proposed by Althusser. The purpose of this study is to describe the formal village education institutions in Japan in supporting the compulsory twelve year school program and implementing moral education design by the central government. The method used is a quantitative method to explain the existing phenomena by collecting data and departing from Althusser's Ideology State Apparatus theory. The results of this study are to suggest that formal education institutions in rural areas in Japan are able to apply and implement moral education methods from the central government in learning and compulsory schooling so that they become moral students and are able to be educated and experience school to high school and above. Keywords : Ideology state apparatus, Japan, education, anime Abstrak Penelitian ini memaparkan fenomena instansi pendidikan formal daerah desa di Jepang yang diperlihatkan dalam anime seri Non Non Biyori karya Atto melalui pendekatan teori ideologi yang dicanangkan oleh Althusser. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan instansi pendidikan formal desa di Jepang dalam mendukung program wajib sekolah dua belas tahun serta melaksanakan pendidikan moral yang direncanakan oleh pemerintah pusat. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif untuk menjelaskan fenomena yang ada dengan pengumpulan data serta berangkat dari teori Ideology State Apparatus dari Althusser. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah mengemukakan instansi pendidikan formal daerah desa di Jepang yang mampu menerapkan dan melaksanakan metode pendidikan moral dari pemerintah pusat dalam pembelajaran serta wajib sekolah 12 tahun sehingga menjadi pelajar bermoral serta mampu teredukasi dan mencicipi bangku sekolah sampai sekolah menengah keatas. Kata kunci : Ideology state apparatus, Jepang, pendidikan, anime