KARABAGH SETTLEMENT NEARER?
In: Middle East international: MEI, Band 453, Heft 453, S. 12
ISSN: 0047-7249
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In: Middle East international: MEI, Band 453, Heft 453, S. 12
ISSN: 0047-7249
International audience ; The South Caucasus or Transcaucasus is a region where diversified geography combined with historical heritage, gives a population spread out in varied ethnic groups and attached to different religious concepts. At the heart of this South-Caucasus, the geopolitical decisions of the Soviet era's first first years have, against the will of the majority of the inhabitants, consigned the Nagorno-Karabagh to the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azarbaidjan. Since, tensions with Ba-kou authorities have not ceased. At the end of the '80s, things took a violent turn that has made of it a milestone in the programmed end of a USSR that hadn't suc-ceeded in creating the homo sovieticus that was to be substituted for all nationali-ties and persuasions. The violence opened onto a war (1991-1994) lost by Azarbaïdjan. The cease-fire that put an end to hostilities is not at all transformable into a peace treaty. In this context, the Nagorno-Karabagh region, whose geogra-phical characteristics it is convenient to specify first of all, finds itself thrice en-clave, a situation that can only end with the end of the conflict. But is this perspec-tive at all probable? ; Le Sud-Caucase, ou Transcaucasie, est une région où la géographie diversifiée, combinée avec l'héritage de l'histoire, donne une population répartie selon des ethnies variées, attachées à des conceptions religieuses différentes. Au sein de ce Sud-Caucase, les décisions géopolitiques des premières années de l'ère soviétique ont, contre la volonté de la majorité de ses habitants, affecté le Haut-Karabagh à la république socialiste so-viétique d'Azerbaïdjan. Depuis, les tensions avec les autorités de Bakou n'ont pas cessé. À la fin des années 1980, elles ont pris une tournure violente qui en a fait un marqueur de la fin programmée d'une URSS non parvenue à créer l'homo sovieticus qui devait se substituer aux identités nationales. Ces violences ont débouché sur une guerre (1991-1994) perdue par l'Azerbaïdjan. Le cessez-le-feu qui a mis fin aux ...
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International audience ; The South Caucasus or Transcaucasus is a region where diversified geography combined with historical heritage, gives a population spread out in varied ethnic groups and attached to different religious concepts. At the heart of this South-Caucasus, the geopolitical decisions of the Soviet era's first first years have, against the will of the majority of the inhabitants, consigned the Nagorno-Karabagh to the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azarbaidjan. Since, tensions with Ba-kou authorities have not ceased. At the end of the '80s, things took a violent turn that has made of it a milestone in the programmed end of a USSR that hadn't suc-ceeded in creating the homo sovieticus that was to be substituted for all nationali-ties and persuasions. The violence opened onto a war (1991-1994) lost by Azarbaïdjan. The cease-fire that put an end to hostilities is not at all transformable into a peace treaty. In this context, the Nagorno-Karabagh region, whose geogra-phical characteristics it is convenient to specify first of all, finds itself thrice en-clave, a situation that can only end with the end of the conflict. But is this perspec-tive at all probable? ; Le Sud-Caucase, ou Transcaucasie, est une région où la géographie diversifiée, combinée avec l'héritage de l'histoire, donne une population répartie selon des ethnies variées, attachées à des conceptions religieuses différentes. Au sein de ce Sud-Caucase, les décisions géopolitiques des premières années de l'ère soviétique ont, contre la volonté de la majorité de ses habitants, affecté le Haut-Karabagh à la république socialiste so-viétique d'Azerbaïdjan. Depuis, les tensions avec les autorités de Bakou n'ont pas cessé. À la fin des années 1980, elles ont pris une tournure violente qui en a fait un marqueur de la fin programmée d'une URSS non parvenue à créer l'homo sovieticus qui devait se substituer aux identités nationales. Ces violences ont débouché sur une guerre (1991-1994) perdue par l'Azerbaïdjan. Le cessez-le-feu qui a mis fin aux ...
BASE
International audience ; The South Caucasus or Transcaucasus is a region where diversified geography combined with historical heritage, gives a population spread out in varied ethnic groups and attached to different religious concepts. At the heart of this South-Caucasus, the geopolitical decisions of the Soviet era's first first years have, against the will of the majority of the inhabitants, consigned the Nagorno-Karabagh to the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azarbaidjan. Since, tensions with Ba-kou authorities have not ceased. At the end of the '80s, things took a violent turn that has made of it a milestone in the programmed end of a USSR that hadn't suc-ceeded in creating the homo sovieticus that was to be substituted for all nationali-ties and persuasions. The violence opened onto a war (1991-1994) lost by Azarbaïdjan. The cease-fire that put an end to hostilities is not at all transformable into a peace treaty. In this context, the Nagorno-Karabagh region, whose geogra-phical characteristics it is convenient to specify first of all, finds itself thrice en-clave, a situation that can only end with the end of the conflict. But is this perspec-tive at all probable? ; Le Sud-Caucase, ou Transcaucasie, est une région où la géographie diversifiée, combinée avec l'héritage de l'histoire, donne une population répartie selon des ethnies variées, attachées à des conceptions religieuses différentes. Au sein de ce Sud-Caucase, les décisions géopolitiques des premières années de l'ère soviétique ont, contre la volonté de la majorité de ses habitants, affecté le Haut-Karabagh à la république socialiste so-viétique d'Azerbaïdjan. Depuis, les tensions avec les autorités de Bakou n'ont pas cessé. À la fin des années 1980, elles ont pris une tournure violente qui en a fait un marqueur de la fin programmée d'une URSS non parvenue à créer l'homo sovieticus qui devait se substituer aux identités nationales. Ces violences ont débouché sur une guerre (1991-1994) perdue par l'Azerbaïdjan. Le cessez-le-feu qui a mis fin aux ...
BASE
In: Geostrategiques, No. 38, 2013
SSRN
In: Alternatives Internationales, Band 67, Heft 6, S. 33-33
In: Politique internationale: pi, Heft 146, S. 1-6
ISSN: 0221-2781
The region of Nagorno-Karabach has been fighting for recognition of its legitimate right to self-determination for nearly a century. The inhabitants have on several occasions expressed their desire to rejoin their original nation, Armenia. But each time their quest for freedom has been shattered by the inflexible will of neighboring Azerbaijan, which has never hesitated to unleash extreme violence to retain this small territory under its control. One might have thought that their wishes would at last be granted with the disappearance of the USSR. Nothing of the sort has transpired. In the early 1990s, violence escalated to full-fledged war. Since then - and despite the signing of a cease-fire in 1994 - peace negotiations are ceaselessly bogged down, with the Azerbaijan side regularly withdrawing proposals while engaging in fresh provocations. Despite this systematic policy of obstruction, Armenia continues to extend the hand of diplomacy. Adapted from the source document.
In: Central Asian survey, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 435-461
ISSN: 1465-3354
In: Central Asian survey, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 435-461
ISSN: 0263-4937
World Affairs Online
In: Europa-Archiv, Band 43, Heft 18, S. 513
In: Confluences Méditerranée: revue trimestrielle, Band 124, Heft 1, S. 155-173
ISSN: 2102-5991
Après trois décennies d'une relative accalmie, le conflit du Karabagh dont la population à majorité arménienne réclame son rattachement à l'Arménie, est revenu à « la une » de l'actualité depuis septembre 2020, quand a débuté la 'guerre de 44 jours', désastreuse pour les Arméniens en nette infériorité numérique et matérielle, face à l'Azerbaïdjan, fort de sa manne pétrolière, du soutien actif de la Turquie et de mercenaires djihadistes et de la complicité passive russe. Les enjeux de ce conflit dépassent le cadre bilatéral et local et gagnent à être resitués dans un contexte post-colonial plus large de sortie de guerre (froide) et d'empire (soviétique), ainsi que dans une perspective de longue durée., Dans une zone de fractures multiples, la confrontation est en effet l'héritage d'un long passé – cinq siècles - de dominations, rivalités et pratiques administratives impériales, de violences de masse, d'interférences internationales.
In the post-Soviet era, the Nagorno Karabagh conflict has been a major source of tension in the South Caucasus. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia, the United States, and France have all been involved in the mediation process between Nagorno Karabagh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan over the resolution of the conflict. Russia, given its historical ties, economic interests, political clout, and military relations with Armenia and Azerbaijan, appears to be the most influential and vital moderator in this conflict. This dates back to the outbreak of violence in early 1990s. Russia has tried to help the participants in the Nagorno Karabagh conflict to maintain the status quo, and has provided a framework of dialogue for Armenia and Azerbaijan. Russia has been the main supplier of arms to both sides, which calls into question Russia's motive and goals in its role as a mediator, and its role is subject of much controversy in the Nagorno Karabagh conflict. This paper argues that Russia's role as a mediator is primarily focused on maintaining the status quo, and ensuring the equilibrium of military capabilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan, in order to discourage any military escalations between the two states. We assert that despite the fact that this strategy has been successful for Russia in maintaining the status quo, a different approach, which moves beyond military balancing, is required in order to reach a long-term solution for the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in Nagorno Karabagh.
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In: Middle East international: MEI, Heft 445, S. 20
ISSN: 0047-7249