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This is the first extensive treatment of leading judicial institutions under Nazi rule in WWII. It focusses on all democratic countries under German occupation, and provides the details for answering questions like: how can law serve as an instrument of defence against an oppressive regime? Are the courts always the guardians of democracy and rule of law? What role was there for international law? How did the courts deal with dismissals, new appointees, new courts, forced German ordinances versus national law? How did judges justify their actions, help citizens, appease the enemy, protest against injustice? Experts from all democracies that were occupied by the Nazis paint vivid pictures of oppression, collaboration, and resistance. The results are interpreted in a socio-legal framework introducing the concept of 'moral hygiene' to explain the clash between normative and descriptive approaches in public opinion and scholarship concerning officials' behaviour in war-time.

This is the first extensive treatment of leading judicial institutions under Nazi rule in WWII. It focusses on all democratic countries under German occupation, and provides the details for answering questions like: how can law serve as an instrument of defence against an oppressive regime? Are the courts always the guardians of democracy and rule of law? What role was there for international law? How did the courts deal with dismissals, new appointees, new courts, forced German ordinances versus national law? How did judges justify their actions, help citizens, appease the enemy, protest against injustice? Experts from all democracies that were occupied by the Nazis paint vivid pictures of oppression, collaboration, and resistance. The results are interpreted in a socio-legal framework introducing the concept of 'moral hygiene' to explain the clash between normative and descriptive approaches in public opinion and scholarship concerning officials' behaviour in war-time

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Praise for British Subversive Propaganda during the Second World War -- Contents -- 1 Introduction: British Propagandists and the German Problem -- The View from Woburn Abbey: The Political Culture of PWE -- The Brazen Horde: British Propagandists and the Course of German History -- Germany on the Couch: The Role of Psychology and the Social Sciences in the Development of Subversive Propaganda -- No Man so Lecherous as the German: Nazi Perversion and German Masculinity in British Subversive Propaganda -- A Rebellion Against the Divinely Appointed Order: Totalitarian Theory, Secular Religions, and Religious Anti-Fascism in British Subversive Propaganda -- The Logic of Subversive Propaganda -- 2 The View from Woburn Abbey: The Political Culture of PWE -- Gentleman Amateurs and "the Other Germany" -- The Significance of Germanophobia -- Filling the Ranks, Affirming the Orthodoxy -- Conclusion -- 3 The Brazen Horde: British Propagandists and the Course of German History -- Hermann Rauschning and the Two Germanies Theory -- Robert Vansittart and Transatlantic Germanophobia -- Germanophobic Propaganda and the Limits of Vansittartist History -- German Anti-Fascists and the Value of Social History -- A New Europe -- Conclusion -- 4 Germany on the Couch: The Role of Psychology and the Social Sciences in the Development of Subversive Propaganda -- Psychological Judo -- The Push for Pure Psychology -- J.T. MacCurdy and Henry Dicks -- The German National Character and the Nazi Mind -- Conclusion -- 5 No Man so Lecherous as the German: Nazi Perversion and German Masculinity in British Subversive Propaganda -- Pornography and the German Mind -- A Gendered Pathology -- Pigdogs and Englishmen -- A New Answer to the German Question -- Conclusion.

How was it possible for a well-educated nation to support a regime that made it a crime to think for yourself? This was the key question for the Stuttgart-based author Anna Haag (1888–1982), the democratic feminist whose anti-Nazi diaries are analysed in this book. Like Victor Klemperer, she deconstructed German political propaganda day by day, giving her critique a gendered focus by challenging the ethos of masculinity that sustained the Nazi regime. This pioneering study interprets her diaries, secretly written in twenty notebooks now preserved at the Stuttgart City Archive, as a fascinating source for the study of everyday life in the Third Reich. The opening sections sketch the paradigms that shaped Haag's creativity, analysing the impact of the First World War and the feminist and pacifist commitments that influenced her literary and journalistic writings. Extensive quotations from the diaries are provided, with English translations, to illustrate her responses to the cataclysms that followed the rise of Hitler, from the military conquests and Jewish deportations to the devastation of strategic bombing. The book concludes with a chapter that traces the links between Haag's critique of military tyranny and her contribution to post-war reconstruction.

"How was it possible for a well-educated nation to support a regime that made it a crime to think for yourself? This was the key question for the Stuttgart-based author Anna Haag (1888-1982), the democratic feminist whose anti-Nazi diaries are analysed in this book. Like Victor Klemperer, she deconstructed German political propaganda day by day, giving her critique a gendered focus by challenging the ethos of masculinity that sustained the Nazi regime. This pioneering study interprets her diaries, secretly written in twenty notebooks now preserved at the Stuttgart City Archive, as a fascinating source for the study of everyday life in the Third Reich. The opening sections sketch the paradigms that shaped Haag's creativity, analysing the impact of the First World War and the feminist and pacifist commitments that influenced her literary and journalistic writings. Extensive quotations from the diaries are provided, with English translations, to illustrate her responses to the cataclysms that followed the rise of Hitler, from the military conquests and Jewish deportations to the devastation of strategic bombing. The book concludes with a chapter that traces the links between Haag's critique of military tyranny and her contribution to post-war reconstruction." --

'Only and Exclusively in this Case'. Pleas for the Release of Former Collaborators after the Second World War in the NetherlandsAfter the Second World War ended in the Netherlands, more than 100.000 people suspected of collaborating were arrested. It was long argued that during and after the war the (former) national socialist families who were 'in the wrong' stood isolated against the 'good' Dutchmen. This article examines the mentality of the population by making use of the letters of support which were written by family, friends or neighbours to the police and judicial bodies in defense of those who were accused of collaboration. No political arguments were given in the letters, the social-psychological elements of collaboration were put first. The guilt was reduced by for example pointing at the restoration of the family, a poor education, bad social and economic circumstances and poor intellectual development. In this way, the suspects were individualized and disconnected from the group that was seen as being 'in the wrong'. This article is part of the special issue 'A New Historiography of the Collaboration'.

The work of Chinese cartoonists who published their illustrations in the popular press in occupied China from 1937 to 1945 has largely escaped the attention of scholars of both the occupation itself and the broader field of cartoon history. This article seeks to fill this gap in the literature by analyzing how the very nature of the occupation, together with efforts undertaken by collaborationist governments such as that of Wang Jingwei, created a context in which a particular body of artists could continue to draw. In so doing, the article raises questions about the place of "collaborationist" cartoonists in the broader development of art and propaganda in China and about the very nature of collaboration in the Chinese context.

Flemish Collaborators and their Route to the Gestapo. The Translators of the Sipo-SD in AntwerpDuring the Second World War, Nazi-Germany used the Geheime Staatspolizei (Gestapo) in its occupied territories and at the home front to maintain order and execute the racial policy of the regime. With a head office in Brussels and branches in Antwerp, Ghent, Liège and Charleroi, the Gestapo was also present in military occupied Belgium. The German agents were not completely up to their task. They lacked the knowledge of the regional languages and circumstances. The help of the local Belgian populace was therefore a necessity. What motivated these men to collaborate so assiduously with the German occupier? This research is based on the postwar criminal case files, compiled by the military courts in the context of the prosecution of those who collaborated. Several biographies of Flemish collaborators with the Gestapo office in Antwerp have been reconstructed. In this way, four major motivational groups can be distinguished: opportunists, ideological perpetrators, 'traditional' collaborators and former members of the resistance. Contrary to existing research into similar groups of men, financial or material gain was not their primary motive. Various psychological factors played a greater role. This article is part of the special issue 'A New Historiography of the Collaboration'.

Military collaboration in Belgium during World War II, Bruno de WeverFinding concrete information about military collaboration in the countries occupied by Germany during WWII is not easy because of the masses of apologetic and purely military literature. Good quality, scholarly publications are not available. This article presents a survey of Belgium. The country had 42,000 military collaborators, but there was no 'Belgian' military collaboration as such because, for political reasons only, Walloon and Flemish (para) military organizations were formed. The Walloon military collaboration served the ambitions of the Rex-leader, Léon Degrelle. He pushed the Walloon Legion into the Waffen-SS and made the Rexist paramilitary organizations part of the SS-complex. In Flanders, military collaboration was dominated by the rivalry between the Flemish-nationalist Flemish National League (VNV) and the GreaterGermanic and SS-orientated German-Flemish Labour organization. After the incorporation of the Flemish Legion into the Waffen-SS, the VNV gambled on the paramilitary organizations under its supposed political control. It lost its influence with the integration of these organizations into the German Army and the Waffen-SS.

How should we understand Hitler as a factor in the history of the Third Reich? In recent years scholarly interest in the German dictator has once again intensified, as is evident from debates surrounding the publication of Mein Kampf, and from the publication of numerous new studies on Hitler's personality, ideology and politics. Edited by Elizabeth Harvey (University of Nottingham) and Johannes Hürter (Institute for Contemporary History Munich – Berlin), the third volume of the German Yearbook of Contemporary History presents the latest in German research on Hitler based on selected articles from the Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte. Additionally, it includes new commentaries by renowned experts from the English-speaking world on theories concerning Hitler's personality and authenticity, the sources of his radical racism, and the relationship between the dictator and German society.

This book will consider how the outcomes of "doing history digitally" include different kind of sources and data, as well as new ways of researching historical questions, and innovative forms of presenting history. All contributions focus on aspects related to the history of National Socialism, World War II and the Holocaust.