Suchergebnisse

Gentile's actualism is the outcome of a current of thoughts that emphasizes subjectivism in the idealist understanding of reality, The close connection between the subject and the individual is what Calogero put in question, detaching himself from Gentile and setting high value on individual freedom. This paper is a historical reconstruction of Calogero's philosophy and its relations with XX century Italian political history.

The classical realist world view places moral standards subservient to the power concerns of international actors. Realists did not make this valuation without some hesitation, as the issue of morality was addressed with seriousness and concern. The neo-realist thinking of today embraces with less hesitation the ultimate conclusion of the realist premises: statesmen never act according to moral precepts, thus such concerns need not be addressed by a political theory. Kegly argues the neo-idealist position that opposes this empirical observation: states consistently act according to values that are based on more than power concerns. Kegley's primary intent is to show that neo-realism ignores factors that influence international actors, and that a theory is needed that expands the notion of self-interest to include the moral sphere.

This article explores the development of continental philosophy of critical transcendentalism after World War II. The intention to interpret Kant's transcendentalism corresponds both to the demand to establish feasibility and necessity of conclusive rational grounds for the validity of our cognition and to the need to legitimise the claim of philosophy to be irrefutable in the justification of its principles. While resisting attempts to find the basis for the determination of reason outside the reason itself, post-neo-Kantian continental transcendentalism also rejects the voluntarist scheme of the constructive relation of reason to the external environment. This approach implies the emergence of philosophical projects that offer alternatives to the postmodernist relativisation of philosophical results and to the skepticism that emerges within that framework.

Offering a new approach to the intersection of literature and philosophy, Modernist Idealism contends that certain models of idealist thought require artistic form for their full development and that modernism realizes philosophical idealism in aesthetic form. This comparative view of modernism employs tools from intellectual history, literary analysis, and philosophical critique, focusing on the Italian reception of German idealist thought from the mid-1800s to the Second World War. Modernist Idealism intervenes in ongoing debates about the nineteenth- and twentieth-century resurgence of materialism and spiritualism, as well as the relation of decadent, avant-garde, and modernist production. Michael J. Subialka aims to open new discursive space for the philosophical study of modernist literary and visual culture, considering not only philosophical and literary texts but also early cinema. The author's main contention is that, in various media and with sometimes radically different political and cultural aims, a host of modernist artists and thinkers can be seen as sharing in a project to realize idealist philosophical worldviews in aesthetic form.

This article explores the relationship between materialism and philosophical idealism in the political philosophy of Marxist revolutionary movements, by illuminating the influence of Neo-Confucian idealism on the sinification of Marxism. Although they had virtually no access to the writings of the young Marx, Li Dazhao and Mao Zedong incorporated idealist philosophical ideas into their sinified Marxism. I argue that three elements of Neo-Confucian idealism contributed to the sinification of Marxism that emerged by the 1940s: (1) acknowledgment of the real existence of the material world as apprehended by the mind-and-heart in Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianism; (2) emphasis on human will and consciousness, drawn from Wang Yangming's Neo-Confucianism; and (3) recognition of an autonomous, even decisive role of consciousness and culture in revolutionary change. The resulting sinified Marxism constituted a revolutionary New Confucianism, highlighting the most universal, humanistic, liberative elements in the Chinese philosophical tradition. These community-affirming and spiritually rich elements can be mobilized against authoritarian forces to support the continuing struggle for human rights and democratization within and well beyond China today.

Offering a new approach to the intersection of literature and philosophy, Modernist Idealism contends that certain models of idealist thought require artistic form for their full development and that modernism realizes philosophical idealism in aesthetic form. This comparative view of modernism employs tools from intellectual history, literary analysis, and philosophical critique, focusing on the Italian reception of German idealist thought from the mid-1800s to the Second World War. Modernist Idealismintervenes in ongoing debates about the nineteenth- and twentieth-century resurgence of materialism and spiritualism, as well as the relation of decadent, avant-garde, and modernist production. Michael J. Subialka aims to open new discursive space for the philosophical study of modernist literary and visual culture, considering not only philosophical and literary texts but also early cinema. The author's main contention is that, in various media and with sometimes radically different political and cultural aims, a host of modernist artists and thinkers can be seen as sharing in a project to realize idealist philosophical worldviews in aesthetic form.

RIGHT-WING VIOLENCE IN ITALY HAS DISPLAYED CHARACTERISTICS THAT SET IT APART FROM THE VIOLENT OPERATIONS OF RIGHTIST GROUPS ACTIVE IN THE OTHER WESTERN DEMOCRACIES. IN THE ITALIAN CASE THE VIOLENCE HAS BEEN PROTRACTED, STRETCHING FORM THE IMMEDIATE POSTWAR PERIOD TO TODAY. FOR THE MOST PART, IT HAS BEEN AIMED AT COMMUNISTS AND OTHER LEFTISTS RATHER THAN RACIAL OR ETHNIC MINORITIES. AND IT HAS APPEARED IN A VARIETY OF FORMS, RANGING FORM STREET-CORNER BRAWLING TO TERRORIST BOMBING CAMPAIGNS TO SCHEMES DESIGNED TO ACHIEVE A COUP D'ETAT. IN ADDITION TO OFFERING A DETAILED ACCOUNT OF NEO-FASCIST VIOLENCE IN ITALY OVER THE PAST FOR DECADES, THIS STUDY PLACE THE PHENOMENON IN THE GENERAL CONTEXT OF ITALIAN POLITICS AND SEEKS TO EXPLAIN THE VIOLENCE BY REFERENCE TO THE COLD WAR-BASED OBJECTIVES OF VARIOUS ANTI-COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS.

Henry James' short story, Last of the Valerii (1874), articulates the author's final assessment of the Anglo-American style. The marriage between the American heiress and impoverished Italian nobleman expresses the transition in the American economy from rural agriculture to one driven by industrial wealth and the creation of large estates. By making the Italian aristocracy the protagonists of his Anglo-Italian novels, James also provides a cursive acknowledgement of the restoration of the Italian aristocracy which was at the heart of the revolutionaries' nationalist debate during the Italian Risorgimento. The creation of a unified and independent Italy in 1871 also included a king, Victor-Emmanuel II. The desire to acquire the habits and style of the genteel European nobility was grafted onto the new American interest in collecting the aesthetic treasures of Europe then being acquired by wealthy Americans to form the major museum collections of America. Towards the turn of the century, Anglo-Italian authors and artists lost their interest in the revolutionary cause of Italy and centennial America, and replaced this cause with a new pure aestheticism, lacking an underlying political and moral agenda. James' novels articulate a new crisis in marriage in which men declare their independence from their dependent women. James' reversal of the women's movement issue approaches domestic gender roles from the male perspective. His protagonists are educated aesthetes who long for escapism from the confines of societal gender and marriage roles. The new wealth acquired by Americans towards the end of the century during the Gilded Age, afforded such perversions of traditional male duties, without overtly supporting the women's suffrage movement and rehabilitation of women's employment.

Explored are the characteristics & meaning of Fascist violence in Italy during two major crisis periods. The pattern of Fascist attacks during the post-World War I era is compared to acts of Neo-Fascist violence from the late 1960s through the early 1970s. Much of the initial wave of Fascist violence was directed against peasants, workers, & the employment-related organizations that sought to act on their behalf. Major targets of Neo-Fascist violence, on the other hand, have been University & secondary school students: groups that went totally unscathed in the dopoguerra. The differences & similarities between the two waves of Fascist violence are used as evidence to speculate about the nature of fascism in Italy. AA.