Suchergebnisse

Este artículo analiza cuál fue el discurrir femenino frente a las incidencias de la pobreza e insalubridad pública en Cartagena durante 1915 y 1928. El autor reconstruye aspectos económicos, políticos y sociales del ámbito local y da cuenta de la participación de mujeres de sectores bajos, medios y altos. En un contexto donde se producen denuncias y quejas sobre problemáticas, —que atentaban contra el orden y el bienestar físico y moral de la población—, como el desaseo, la falta de agua, la mortalidad infantil y la prostitución. Las fuentes primarias analizadas son textos de la prensa oficial y comercial localizados en el Archivo Histórico de Cartagena. ; This article analyzes which was to pass femininely opposite to the incidents of the poverty and public insalubrity in Cartagena during 1915 and 1928. The author reconstructs economic, political and social aspects of the local area and realizes of the women's participation of low, average and high sectors. In a context where denunciations and complaints take place on problematic, —that were committing an outrage against the order and the physical and moral well-being of the population—, as the uncleanliness, the lack of water, the infant mortality and the prostitution. The primary analyzed sources are texts of the official and commercial press located in the Historical Archives of Cartagena.

Based on a study of Madrid (1850-1930), 'Discordant Notes' argues that sound, noise, street music and flamenco have played a key role in structuring the transition to modernity by helping to negotiate social attitudes and legal responses to fundamental problems such as poverty, insalubrity, and crime.

During the nineteenth century, water had become the fundamental element in the policy of urban sanitation. The municipality of Metz decided to distribute the water on a large scale in the city. Both the needs of the population and the requirements of hygiene and public health had to be met. The purpose of this article is to examine the dual function attributed to water: to sanitize the city, but also to reduce the distance between social classes by making the liquid element accessible to all. The relationship between pathologies, dirt, poverty and water inertia was identified. Thus, as early as 1866, a continuous system of aquatic circulation replaced stagnation, carrying diseases and causing dirt. At that moment, the representation of the city changed. The separation between healthy and unhealthy reveals the will to transform the anthropological landscape. It was necessary to clean not only the bodies, but also the social wounds. As a result, a new relationship was established between the population and water. ; Au cours du XIX e siècle, l'eau était devenue l'élément fondamental dans la politique d'assainissement des villes. La municipalité de Metz décida de distribuer l'eau à grande échelle dans la cité. Il fallait à la fois répondre aux besoins de la population et aux exigences d'hygiène et de santé publique. L'objet de cet article est de s'interroger sur la double fonction attribuée à l'eau: assainir la ville, mais également réduire la distance entre classes sociales en rendant l'élément liquide accessible à tous. La relation entre les pathologies, la saleté, la pauvreté et l'inertie de l'eau était désignée. Aussi, dès 1866, un régime continu de circulation aquatique s'est substitué à la stagnation, porteuse de maladies et cause de saleté. À ce moment, la représentation de la ville changeait. La séparation entre le sain et le malsain révélait la volonté de transformation du paysage anthropologique. Il fallait nettoyer non seulement les corps, mais aussi les plaies sociales. En conséquence, un nouveau rapport ...

During the nineteenth century, water had become the fundamental element in the policy of urban sanitation. The municipality of Metz decided to distribute the water on a large scale in the city. Both the needs of the population and the requirements of hygiene and public health had to be met. The purpose of this article is to examine the dual function attributed to water: to sanitize the city, but also to reduce the distance between social classes by making the liquid element accessible to all. The relationship between pathologies, dirt, poverty and water inertia was identified. Thus, as early as 1866, a continuous system of aquatic circulation replaced stagnation, carrying diseases and causing dirt. At that moment, the representation of the city changed. The separation between healthy and unhealthy reveals the will to transform the anthropological landscape. It was necessary to clean not only the bodies, but also the social wounds. As a result, a new relationship was established between the population and water. ; Au cours du XIX e siècle, l'eau était devenue l'élément fondamental dans la politique d'assainissement des villes. La municipalité de Metz décida de distribuer l'eau à grande échelle dans la cité. Il fallait à la fois répondre aux besoins de la population et aux exigences d'hygiène et de santé publique. L'objet de cet article est de s'interroger sur la double fonction attribuée à l'eau: assainir la ville, mais également réduire la distance entre classes sociales en rendant l'élément liquide accessible à tous. La relation entre les pathologies, la saleté, la pauvreté et l'inertie de l'eau était désignée. Aussi, dès 1866, un régime continu de circulation aquatique s'est substitué à la stagnation, porteuse de maladies et cause de saleté. À ce moment, la représentation de la ville changeait. La séparation entre le sain et le malsain révélait la volonté de transformation du paysage anthropologique. Il fallait nettoyer non seulement les corps, mais aussi les plaies sociales. En conséquence, un nouveau rapport ...

AbstractCooks exploited the leverage offered by the publication of information about the prevailing insalubrity in restaurant kitchens when Paris was at the center of global attention during the World Fairs of 1889 and 1900. They framed the issue of workers' health in connection with consumer safety and gastronomic reputation. Their movement succeeded in securing the law of July 11, 1903 with its encompassing, indeed ecological and ergonomic (rather than toxicological) perception of health risks on the job. Its principles benefitted a great majority of workers and employees. The chronicle of labor's contribution to the identification and regulation of health and safety issues on the job refutes claims about the indifference of the French working-class movement with regard to workers' health. Attention to the cooks' workplace experience, their politics, and the elaboration of labor legislation is an antidote to the tendency of narrating state- and institution-building as the history of providential individuals with big ideas.

Este artículo analiza cuál fue el discurrir femenino frente a las incidencias de la pobreza e insalubridad pública en Cartagena durante 1915 y 1928. El autor reconstruye aspectos económicos, políticos y sociales del ámbito local y da cuenta de la participación de mujeres de sectores bajos, medios y altos. En un contexto donde se producen denuncias y quejas sobre problemáticas, —que atentaban contra el orden y el bienestar físico y moral de la población—, como el desaseo, la falta de agua, la mortalidad infantil y la prostitución. Las fuentes primarias analizadas son textos de la prensa oficial y comercial localizados en el Archivo Histórico de Cartagena. ; This article analyzes which was to pass femininely opposite to the incidents of the poverty and public insalubrity in Cartagena during 1915 and 1928. The author reconstructs economic, political and social aspects of the local area and realizes of the women's participation of low, average and high sectors. In a context where denunciations and complaints take place on problematic, —that were committing an outrage against the order and the physical and moral well-being of the population—, as the uncleanliness, the lack of water, the infant mortality and the prostitution. The primary analyzed sources are texts of the official and commercial press located in the Historical Archives of Cartagena.

The cities of North Africa became, since more thousands years, Muslim cities; certain old cities were abandoned; others were established by dynasties stemming from Muslim conquests. In Algeria, at the beginning of the 19th century, during the French colonization, those who stayed were occupied and transformed for the greater part in their initial structure by applying a new morphological mode superimposed on the existing city (Medina). The degradation of these laminated old centers became more marked with the departure of Europeans who started the phenomenon of the exodus of the medina's inhabitants towards the residences of the freed (released) colonial center, which induced the densification, the insalubrity and the degradation of the physical framework of the laminated part. These historic entities had not aroused any private interest considering the maladjustment of the current laws. The current drama is that these laminated centers risk not to exist anymore. This article will present a methodology adopted for the elaboration of an inventory of the historic cities which existed since the Muslim conquest in the 7th century until the advent of colonization in the 19th century. The inventory will establish knowledge on this category of the good which we qualify as urban heritage; it will become a tool of knowledge in first phase and gratitude of the patrimonial dimension of the historic cities unclassified in the second phase. Also, he will allow to identify those who disappeared and are underestimated and who can be revealed thanks to investigations.

In France, the nineteenth century is the age of beer: in a hundred years, annual production and consumption grow from less than three to more than fifteen million hectolitres. Thanks to its advantageous commercial position and the quality of its waters, Lyon occupies a unique place in this developing mass-market. Calling presumed alimentary boundaries into question, the city distinguishes itself as soon as the end of the Ancien Régime through a wide use of the hoppy beverage and the making of a product with specific organoleptic qualities being exported to the southeast quarter of the country. Skilfully maintained, this original situation turns Lyon into one of the main French beer production centres of the first half of the century. Things change with the advent of the Second Empire. New drinking trends and habits, birth of a European then worldwide consumption market and substantial scientific and technical improvements combine themselves to change the activity into a definite way. Thus, the Rhône brewing sector, leaded by Lyon's breweries and initially made of numerous and small short-lived handcraft production units selling locally only, becomes in a few decades an industry operating towards foreign markets and formed by a handful of big factories gathering workforce, capitals and market share. Regulatory framework itself (professional legislation or insalubrity control) and fiscal politics on national and municipal scales contribute also to the transition. Since they have to adapt their manufacturing and formation processes, as well as supplying and selling strategies, the redefinition of urban and commercial logics has a direct impact on brewers' practices: in a wider sense, it is the organization of the beer sector which progressively reveals itself. However, it would be untrue to see these businessmen as powerless victims of an uncontrolled process. More than spectators, they are actors of a protean revolution. The prosopographical study of 337 careers considered in their individual and collective ...

The purpose of the article is to present an analytical system that allows users to proces data necessary for an industrial risk analysis and management, to monitor the level of industrial safety in a given site, and to fulfil essential tasks within the field of occupational safety. This system's implementation will make the industrial safety management at industrial sites more effective. Multifactorial, probabilistic, determined models of accidents' hazard and severity indexes are integrated into the computing core of the Information and Analytical System. Then, statistical methods determine the risk assessment of occupational injuries and diseases. The <em>Information and Analytical System for Hazard Level Assessment and Forecasting Risk of Emergencies in the Republic of Kazakhstan</em> allows users to work efficiently with large volumes of information and form a united analytical electronic report about the state of industrial safety. The main objective of the monitoring system is to conduct a comprehensive analysis and assessment of the state of accidents, traumas and occupational sickness rates at industrial sites, the results being classified by the degree of hazard and insalubrity of manufacture. The introduction of the computer monitoring system in the specialized services of the Emergency Management Committee and the Ministry of Investment and Development of the Republic of Kazakhstan, and at industrial enterprises throughout the country, will allow users to analyse the state of the industrial and occupational safety constantly and objectively; as a consequence, the implementation will go a long way towards comprehensively approaching the task of increasing safety levels at industrial sites.

In France, the nineteenth century is the age of beer: in a hundred years, annual production and consumption grow from less than three to more than fifteen million hectolitres. Thanks to its advantageous commercial position and the quality of its waters, Lyon occupies a unique place in this developing mass-market. Calling presumed alimentary boundaries into question, the city distinguishes itself as soon as the end of the Ancien Régime through a wide use of the hoppy beverage and the making of a product with specific organoleptic qualities being exported to the southeast quarter of the country. Skilfully maintained, this original situation turns Lyon into one of the main French beer production centres of the first half of the century. Things change with the advent of the Second Empire. New drinking trends and habits, birth of a European then worldwide consumption market and substantial scientific and technical improvements combine themselves to change the activity into a definite way. Thus, the Rhône brewing sector, leaded by Lyon's breweries and initially made of numerous and small short-lived handcraft production units selling locally only, becomes in a few decades an industry operating towards foreign markets and formed by a handful of big factories gathering workforce, capitals and market share. Regulatory framework itself (professional legislation or insalubrity control) and fiscal politics on national and municipal scales contribute also to the transition. Since they have to adapt their manufacturing and formation processes, as well as supplying and selling strategies, the redefinition of urban and commercial logics has a direct impact on brewers' practices: in a wider sense, it is the organization of the beer sector which progressively reveals itself. However, it would be untrue to see these businessmen as powerless victims of an uncontrolled process. More than spectators, they are actors of a protean revolution. The prosopographical study of 337 careers considered in their individual and collective dimensions prove the plurality of fortunes: while the model of the small business allows audacious craftsmen whatever their professional and geographical origins (many of them come from Alsace and Germany) to succeed by highlighting their work and satisfying their ambitions, the industrial model is more selective. In the medium term, only a few businessmen will survive, their smaller colleagues and competitors suffering the joint effects of economic conjuncture, market rationalization and family tragedies. At the edge of World War One, six breweries are still in operation: having proven its early adaptation ability by modifying its structure in order to assimilate the productivist modernization, the Rhône brewing sector can be considered as an exception among the pre-industrial activities, a fortiori among those from the food-processing sector. ; Le XIXe siècle est en France celui de la bière : production et consommation annuelles passent en l'espace de cent ans de moins de trois à plus de quinze millions d'hectolitres. Profitant de sa position de carrefour commercial et de la qualité de ses eaux, Lyon occupe une place à part dans ce marché de masse en construction. Remettant en question l'hermétisme de supposées frontières alimentaires, la ville se démarque en effet dès les dernières années de l'Ancien Régime par un notable recours à la boisson houblonnée et la fabrication d'un produit aux qualités organoleptiques bien particulières qu'elle exporte en direction d'un large quart Sud-est du pays. Savamment entretenue, cette position originale fait de la cité rhodanienne l'un des principaux centres de production de bière français de la première moitié du siècle. La donne change à compter du Second Empire. Aux évolutions des modes et pratiques alimentaires à l'égard des alcools s'ajoutent décloisonnement des marchés et avancées technologiques affectant de manière irrémédiable l'activité. Le secteur brassicole régional, très largement lyonnais, passe ainsi en quelques décennies d'une structure artisanale voyant coexister une myriade de petits établissements employant quelques individus et produisant chacun annuellement quelques centaines d'hectolitres à une dimension industrielle où un nombre réduit de grandes usines concentrent main-d'œuvre, capitaux et parts de marché. L'encadrement réglementaire lui-même, qu'il s'agisse de législation professionnelle ou de régulation de l'insalubrité, et les politiques fiscales, à l'échelle de la ville comme du pays, participent à cette transition. Alors que la redéfinition des logiques urbaines et commerciales impacte directement les pratiques des brasseurs en les forçant à revoir leurs procédés de fabrication et leurs stratégies de formation, d'approvisionnement et de vente, c'est la progressive structuration d'une filière de la bière qui apparaît en filigrane. Il faut néanmoins se garder de voir ces entrepreneurs comme de simples victimes de mouvements qui leur échappent : plus que spectateurs d'une révolution protéiforme, ils s'en font les acteurs. L'étude prosopographique de 337 parcours considérés dans leurs dimensions individuelles et collectives atteste de la pluralité des destins : quand le modèle de la petite entreprise permet aux artisans les plus audacieux, qu'ils viennent d'un ailleurs professionnel ou géographique (sont notamment mises à jour les origines germaniques et alsaciennes de nombre d'entre eux), de valoriser leur travail et de satisfaire leurs ambitions, celui de l'industrie fait d'une poignée seulement de véritables brasseurs d'affaires. Ce seront les seuls à survivre, la plupart de leurs collègues et concurrents payant à terme les effets conjoints de la conjoncture économique, de la rationalisation du marché et des tragédies familiales. À l'orée du premier conflit mondial, seules six brasseries sont encore opérationnelles : ayant démontré sa précoce capacité d'adaptation en modifiant sa structure afin de donner aux établissements subsistants les moyens d'assimiler la modernisation productiviste, le monde brassicole rhodanien fait figure d'exception parmi les activités pré-industrielles, a fortiori parmi celles relevant du secteur agroalimentaire.

In France, the nineteenth century is the age of beer: in a hundred years, annual production and consumption grow from less than three to more than fifteen million hectolitres. Thanks to its advantageous commercial position and the quality of its waters, Lyon occupies a unique place in this developing mass-market. Calling presumed alimentary boundaries into question, the city distinguishes itself as soon as the end of the Ancien Régime through a wide use of the hoppy beverage and the making of a product with specific organoleptic qualities being exported to the southeast quarter of the country. Skilfully maintained, this original situation turns Lyon into one of the main French beer production centres of the first half of the century. Things change with the advent of the Second Empire. New drinking trends and habits, birth of a European then worldwide consumption market and substantial scientific and technical improvements combine themselves to change the activity into a definite way. Thus, the Rhône brewing sector, leaded by Lyon's breweries and initially made of numerous and small short-lived handcraft production units selling locally only, becomes in a few decades an industry operating towards foreign markets and formed by a handful of big factories gathering workforce, capitals and market share. Regulatory framework itself (professional legislation or insalubrity control) and fiscal politics on national and municipal scales contribute also to the transition. Since they have to adapt their manufacturing and formation processes, as well as supplying and selling strategies, the redefinition of urban and commercial logics has a direct impact on brewers' practices: in a wider sense, it is the organization of the beer sector which progressively reveals itself. However, it would be untrue to see these businessmen as powerless victims of an uncontrolled process. More than spectators, they are actors of a protean revolution. The prosopographical study of 337 careers considered in their individual and collective dimensions prove the plurality of fortunes: while the model of the small business allows audacious craftsmen whatever their professional and geographical origins (many of them come from Alsace and Germany) to succeed by highlighting their work and satisfying their ambitions, the industrial model is more selective. In the medium term, only a few businessmen will survive, their smaller colleagues and competitors suffering the joint effects of economic conjuncture, market rationalization and family tragedies. At the edge of World War One, six breweries are still in operation: having proven its early adaptation ability by modifying its structure in order to assimilate the productivist modernization, the Rhône brewing sector can be considered as an exception among the pre-industrial activities, a fortiori among those from the food-processing sector. ; Le XIXe siècle est en France celui de la bière : production et consommation annuelles passent en l'espace de cent ans de moins de trois à plus de quinze millions d'hectolitres. Profitant de sa position de carrefour commercial et de la qualité de ses eaux, Lyon occupe une place à part dans ce marché de masse en construction. Remettant en question l'hermétisme de supposées frontières alimentaires, la ville se démarque en effet dès les dernières années de l'Ancien Régime par un notable recours à la boisson houblonnée et la fabrication d'un produit aux qualités organoleptiques bien particulières qu'elle exporte en direction d'un large quart Sud-est du pays. Savamment entretenue, cette position originale fait de la cité rhodanienne l'un des principaux centres de production de bière français de la première moitié du siècle. La donne change à compter du Second Empire. Aux évolutions des modes et pratiques alimentaires à l'égard des alcools s'ajoutent décloisonnement des marchés et avancées technologiques affectant de manière irrémédiable l'activité. Le secteur brassicole régional, très largement lyonnais, passe ainsi en quelques décennies d'une structure artisanale voyant coexister une myriade de petits établissements employant quelques individus et produisant chacun annuellement quelques centaines d'hectolitres à une dimension industrielle où un nombre réduit de grandes usines concentrent main-d'œuvre, capitaux et parts de marché. L'encadrement réglementaire lui-même, qu'il s'agisse de législation professionnelle ou de régulation de l'insalubrité, et les politiques fiscales, à l'échelle de la ville comme du pays, participent à cette transition. Alors que la redéfinition des logiques urbaines et commerciales impacte directement les pratiques des brasseurs en les forçant à revoir leurs procédés de fabrication et leurs stratégies de formation, d'approvisionnement et de vente, c'est la progressive structuration d'une filière de la bière qui apparaît en filigrane. Il faut néanmoins se garder de voir ces entrepreneurs comme de simples victimes de mouvements qui leur échappent : plus que spectateurs d'une révolution protéiforme, ils s'en font les acteurs. L'étude prosopographique de 337 parcours considérés dans leurs dimensions individuelles et collectives atteste de la pluralité des destins : quand le modèle de la petite entreprise permet aux artisans les plus audacieux, qu'ils viennent d'un ailleurs professionnel ou géographique (sont notamment mises à jour les origines germaniques et alsaciennes de nombre d'entre eux), de valoriser leur travail et de satisfaire leurs ambitions, celui de l'industrie fait d'une poignée seulement de véritables brasseurs d'affaires. Ce seront les seuls à survivre, la plupart de leurs collègues et concurrents payant à terme les effets conjoints de la conjoncture économique, de la rationalisation du marché et des tragédies familiales. À l'orée du premier conflit mondial, seules six brasseries sont encore opérationnelles : ayant démontré sa précoce capacité d'adaptation en modifiant sa structure afin de donner aux établissements subsistants les moyens d'assimiler la modernisation productiviste, le monde brassicole rhodanien fait figure d'exception parmi les activités pré-industrielles, a fortiori parmi celles relevant du secteur agroalimentaire.

In France, the nineteenth century is the age of beer: in a hundred years, annual production and consumption grow from less than three to more than fifteen million hectolitres. Thanks to its advantageous commercial position and the quality of its waters, Lyon occupies a unique place in this developing mass-market. Calling presumed alimentary boundaries into question, the city distinguishes itself as soon as the end of the Ancien Régime through a wide use of the hoppy beverage and the making of a product with specific organoleptic qualities being exported to the southeast quarter of the country. Skilfully maintained, this original situation turns Lyon into one of the main French beer production centres of the first half of the century. Things change with the advent of the Second Empire. New drinking trends and habits, birth of a European then worldwide consumption market and substantial scientific and technical improvements combine themselves to change the activity into a definite way. Thus, the Rhône brewing sector, leaded by Lyon's breweries and initially made of numerous and small short-lived handcraft production units selling locally only, becomes in a few decades an industry operating towards foreign markets and formed by a handful of big factories gathering workforce, capitals and market share. Regulatory framework itself (professional legislation or insalubrity control) and fiscal politics on national and municipal scales contribute also to the transition. Since they have to adapt their manufacturing and formation processes, as well as supplying and selling strategies, the redefinition of urban and commercial logics has a direct impact on brewers' practices: in a wider sense, it is the organization of the beer sector which progressively reveals itself. However, it would be untrue to see these businessmen as powerless victims of an uncontrolled process. More than spectators, they are actors of a protean revolution. The prosopographical study of 337 careers considered in their individual and collective dimensions prove the plurality of fortunes: while the model of the small business allows audacious craftsmen whatever their professional and geographical origins (many of them come from Alsace and Germany) to succeed by highlighting their work and satisfying their ambitions, the industrial model is more selective. In the medium term, only a few businessmen will survive, their smaller colleagues and competitors suffering the joint effects of economic conjuncture, market rationalization and family tragedies. At the edge of World War One, six breweries are still in operation: having proven its early adaptation ability by modifying its structure in order to assimilate the productivist modernization, the Rhône brewing sector can be considered as an exception among the pre-industrial activities, a fortiori among those from the food-processing sector. ; Le XIXe siècle est en France celui de la bière : production et consommation annuelles passent en l'espace de cent ans de moins de trois à plus de quinze millions d'hectolitres. Profitant de sa position de carrefour commercial et de la qualité de ses eaux, Lyon occupe une place à part dans ce marché de masse en construction. Remettant en question l'hermétisme de supposées frontières alimentaires, la ville se démarque en effet dès les dernières années de l'Ancien Régime par un notable recours à la boisson houblonnée et la fabrication d'un produit aux qualités organoleptiques bien particulières qu'elle exporte en direction d'un large quart Sud-est du pays. Savamment entretenue, cette position originale fait de la cité rhodanienne l'un des principaux centres de production de bière français de la première moitié du siècle. La donne change à compter du Second Empire. Aux évolutions des modes et pratiques alimentaires à l'égard des alcools s'ajoutent décloisonnement des marchés et avancées technologiques affectant de manière irrémédiable l'activité. Le secteur brassicole régional, très largement lyonnais, passe ainsi en quelques décennies d'une structure artisanale voyant coexister une myriade de petits établissements employant quelques individus et produisant chacun annuellement quelques centaines d'hectolitres à une dimension industrielle où un nombre réduit de grandes usines concentrent main-d'œuvre, capitaux et parts de marché. L'encadrement réglementaire lui-même, qu'il s'agisse de législation professionnelle ou de régulation de l'insalubrité, et les politiques fiscales, à l'échelle de la ville comme du pays, participent à cette transition. Alors que la redéfinition des logiques urbaines et commerciales impacte directement les pratiques des brasseurs en les forçant à revoir leurs procédés de fabrication et leurs stratégies de formation, d'approvisionnement et de vente, c'est la progressive structuration d'une filière de la bière qui apparaît en filigrane. Il faut néanmoins se garder de voir ces entrepreneurs comme de simples victimes de mouvements qui leur échappent : plus que spectateurs d'une révolution protéiforme, ils s'en font les acteurs. L'étude prosopographique de 337 parcours considérés dans leurs dimensions individuelles et collectives atteste de la pluralité des destins : quand le modèle de la petite entreprise permet aux artisans les plus audacieux, qu'ils viennent d'un ailleurs professionnel ou géographique (sont notamment mises à jour les origines germaniques et alsaciennes de nombre d'entre eux), de valoriser leur travail et de satisfaire leurs ambitions, celui de l'industrie fait d'une poignée seulement de véritables brasseurs d'affaires. Ce seront les seuls à survivre, la plupart de leurs collègues et concurrents payant à terme les effets conjoints de la conjoncture économique, de la rationalisation du marché et des tragédies familiales. À l'orée du premier conflit mondial, seules six brasseries sont encore opérationnelles : ayant démontré sa précoce capacité d'adaptation en modifiant sa structure afin de donner aux établissements subsistants les moyens d'assimiler la modernisation productiviste, le monde brassicole rhodanien fait figure d'exception parmi les activités pré-industrielles, a fortiori parmi celles relevant du secteur agroalimentaire.

In France, the nineteenth century is the age of beer: in a hundred years, annual production and consumption grow from less than three to more than fifteen million hectolitres. Thanks to its advantageous commercial position and the quality of its waters, Lyon occupies a unique place in this developing mass-market. Calling presumed alimentary boundaries into question, the city distinguishes itself as soon as the end of the Ancien Régime through a wide use of the hoppy beverage and the making of a product with specific organoleptic qualities being exported to the southeast quarter of the country. Skilfully maintained, this original situation turns Lyon into one of the main French beer production centres of the first half of the century. Things change with the advent of the Second Empire. New drinking trends and habits, birth of a European then worldwide consumption market and substantial scientific and technical improvements combine themselves to change the activity into a definite way. Thus, the Rhône brewing sector, leaded by Lyon's breweries and initially made of numerous and small short-lived handcraft production units selling locally only, becomes in a few decades an industry operating towards foreign markets and formed by a handful of big factories gathering workforce, capitals and market share. Regulatory framework itself (professional legislation or insalubrity control) and fiscal politics on national and municipal scales contribute also to the transition. Since they have to adapt their manufacturing and formation processes, as well as supplying and selling strategies, the redefinition of urban and commercial logics has a direct impact on brewers' practices: in a wider sense, it is the organization of the beer sector which progressively reveals itself. However, it would be untrue to see these businessmen as powerless victims of an uncontrolled process. More than spectators, they are actors of a protean revolution. The prosopographical study of 337 careers considered in their individual and collective dimensions prove the plurality of fortunes: while the model of the small business allows audacious craftsmen whatever their professional and geographical origins (many of them come from Alsace and Germany) to succeed by highlighting their work and satisfying their ambitions, the industrial model is more selective. In the medium term, only a few businessmen will survive, their smaller colleagues and competitors suffering the joint effects of economic conjuncture, market rationalization and family tragedies. At the edge of World War One, six breweries are still in operation: having proven its early adaptation ability by modifying its structure in order to assimilate the productivist modernization, the Rhône brewing sector can be considered as an exception among the pre-industrial activities, a fortiori among those from the food-processing sector. ; Le XIXe siècle est en France celui de la bière : production et consommation annuelles passent en l'espace de cent ans de moins de trois à plus de quinze millions d'hectolitres. Profitant de sa position de carrefour commercial et de la qualité de ses eaux, Lyon occupe une place à part dans ce marché de masse en construction. Remettant en question l'hermétisme de supposées frontières alimentaires, la ville se démarque en effet dès les dernières années de l'Ancien Régime par un notable recours à la boisson houblonnée et la fabrication d'un produit aux qualités organoleptiques bien particulières qu'elle exporte en direction d'un large quart Sud-est du pays. Savamment entretenue, cette position originale fait de la cité rhodanienne l'un des principaux centres de production de bière français de la première moitié du siècle. La donne change à compter du Second Empire. Aux évolutions des modes et pratiques alimentaires à l'égard des alcools s'ajoutent décloisonnement des marchés et avancées technologiques affectant de manière irrémédiable l'activité. Le secteur brassicole régional, très largement lyonnais, passe ainsi en quelques décennies d'une structure artisanale voyant coexister une myriade de petits établissements employant quelques individus et produisant chacun annuellement quelques centaines d'hectolitres à une dimension industrielle où un nombre réduit de grandes usines concentrent main-d'œuvre, capitaux et parts de marché. L'encadrement réglementaire lui-même, qu'il s'agisse de législation professionnelle ou de régulation de l'insalubrité, et les politiques fiscales, à l'échelle de la ville comme du pays, participent à cette transition. Alors que la redéfinition des logiques urbaines et commerciales impacte directement les pratiques des brasseurs en les forçant à revoir leurs procédés de fabrication et leurs stratégies de formation, d'approvisionnement et de vente, c'est la progressive structuration d'une filière de la bière qui apparaît en filigrane. Il faut néanmoins se garder de voir ces entrepreneurs comme de simples victimes de mouvements qui leur échappent : plus que spectateurs d'une révolution protéiforme, ils s'en font les acteurs. L'étude prosopographique de 337 parcours considérés dans leurs dimensions individuelles et collectives atteste de la pluralité des destins : quand le modèle de la petite entreprise permet aux artisans les plus audacieux, qu'ils viennent d'un ailleurs professionnel ou géographique (sont notamment mises à jour les origines germaniques et alsaciennes de nombre d'entre eux), de valoriser leur travail et de satisfaire leurs ambitions, celui de l'industrie fait d'une poignée seulement de véritables brasseurs d'affaires. Ce seront les seuls à survivre, la plupart de leurs collègues et concurrents payant à terme les effets conjoints de la conjoncture économique, de la rationalisation du marché et des tragédies familiales. À l'orée du premier conflit mondial, seules six brasseries sont encore opérationnelles : ayant démontré sa précoce capacité d'adaptation en modifiant sa structure afin de donner aux établissements subsistants les moyens d'assimiler la modernisation productiviste, le monde brassicole rhodanien fait figure d'exception parmi les activités pré-industrielles, a fortiori parmi celles relevant du secteur agroalimentaire.

International audience ; Algeria's economic and social development has generated a significant amount of special waste. Despite the efforts made and the legislative texts promulgated, their management and treatment are difficult. The production of these harmful materials has become a source of problems not only of insalubrity but also of public health. Indeed, the shortcomings in the management of these special residues produced contribute globally to a degradation of the environmental quality and more precisely to a visual pollution, olfactory as well as to potential impacts on the human health. Faced with this situation and in order to minimize the environmental and health risks, a more rigorous and more rational treatment of Infectious Risk Care Activity Waste (IRCAW) is essential for all stakeholders. The purpose of this article is to try to identify the impact of this Special Waste on human health and the environment in Azzaba, a small town in eastern Algeria. This city has experienced and knows a strong demographic and economic development accompanied by a greater sanitary coverage (implantation of hospital, centers of health and care .). At the end of the study, courses of action for Sustainable Management of IRCAW are discussed. ; Le développement économique et social qu'a connu l'Algérie a généré de grandes quantités de déchets, y compris de déchets spéciaux. Malgré les efforts déployés et les textes législatifs promulgués, leur gestion et leur traitement s'avèrent difficiles. La production de ces matières nocives est devenue source de problèmes, non seulement d'insalubrité mais également de santé publique. En effet, les insuffisances dans la gestion de ces résidus spéciaux contribuent globalement à une dégradation de la qualité environnementale et plus précisément à une pollution visuelle, olfactive ainsi qu'à des impacts potentiels sur la santé humaine. Face à cette situation et afin de minimiser les risques environnementaux et sanitaires, une prise en charge plus rigoureuse et plus rationnelle des ...