Suchergebnisse

This paper examines two structural factors that have restricted educational development in Southeastern Turkey: land inequality and ethnic fractionalization/conflict. Until recently a semi-feudal structure persisted in the region with politically and economically powerful tribal leaders and large landowners called ağas. At the same time, the region has been the site of an ethnic conflict, which has been ongoing as an armed insurgency for over 30 years between Kurdish insurgents and the Turkish State. Using a province-level data set, we test the impact of land inequality, conflict and ethnicity on education investment and school enrollment for the period 1970-2012. We find that higher land inequality reduces the school enrollment rates due to budget constraints imposed on poorer households. However, the economic and political power of ağas in the region does not block education investments. Moreover, we find that although the armed conflict in the region did not directly hinder education investments, it did reduce school enrollment rates at middle and high school levels, while increasing enrollment at the primary school level. Finally, we find that provinces with higher percentages of Kurdish population received less education investment even after controlling for conflict and land inequality. These results suggest that high land inequality and the Turkish State's neglect of Kurdish areas were the important factors behind Southeastern Turkey's educational underdevelopment, while the conflict had mixed effects on the education in the region.

The work of Marx has often been treated as an ontology and metaphysics of labor, and this "ontology" has often been resisted in the name of life. In particular, in a series of recent theoretical works, the "savage ontology of life," as Foucault names it, has been posed against the "limits" of political economy and Marx. This claim to escape the bind of labor and of Marx is critiqued by a return to the early Marx and the early Derrida to explore a different reading of the binding of life to labor. Contrary to Derrida's later reading, in Specters of Marx [1994], which tends to confine Marx to the metaphysics of presence and of labor, we read the early Marx alongside Derrida's early reading of Antonin Artaud to disrupt this bind. The work of Marx is re-read as a complex and fissured probing of the problem of detachment from the bind to labor that is never a pure escape. This is not to reinforce our real binding to labor, but a way to suggest new forms of mapping and thinking this binding as contradictory and as capable of being exploded from within.

Since 2000, many African countries have adopted land tenure reforms that aim at comprehensive land registration (or certification) and titling. Much work in political science and in the advocacy literature identifies recipients of land certificates or titles as 'programme beneficiaries', and political scientists have modelled titling programmes as a form of distributive politics. In practice, however, rural land registration programmes are often divisive and difficult to implement. This paper tackles the apparent puzzle of friction around rural land certification. We study Côte d'Ivoire's rocky history of land certification from 2004 to 2017 to identify political economy variables that may give rise to heterogeneous and even conflicting preferences around certification. Regional inequalities, social inequalities, and regional variation in pre-existing land tenure institutions are factors that help account for friction or even resistance around land titling, and thus the difficult politics that may arise around land tenure reform. Land certification is not a public good or a private good for everyone.

In Europe and often worldwide, national and local government authorities utilise different means to stimulate economic development and environmental protection of the land through the application of land consolidation. The direction of these efforts should take into consideration the fact that some administrative regions may have a higher potential for land consolidation than others. This is supported by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) that advises on the identification of favourable regions for implementation of pilot land consolidation projects. In many European countries, especially those receiving European Union (EU) support for implementation land consolidation projects, the scrupulous allocation of funds to the best suitable regions is very important. The research in this paper identifies a key set of criteria and offers multiple-criteria analysis-based approach to rank and prioritise administrative regions for implementation of land consolidation. This methodology is applied in the case study identifying Klaipeda district as a municipality with the highest potential for land consolidations in the Western part of Lithuania. The proposed framework will enable national and local authorities to identify and prioritise regions for land consolidation in a transparent way ensuring efficient management of resources and fair allocation of financial support.

This paper examines how land governance – or the rules, processes, and structures through which decisions are made about access to land and its use, the manner in which the decisions are implemented and enforced, and the way that competing interests in land are managed – has interacted with the conflict in South Sudan.1 A theme running through the paper is that control over decisions relating to land, as much as control over the land itself, has served as a means for individuals and groups to advance their interests in the conflict setting.

This study examines the impact of foreign presence in the Medium-High and High technology manufacturing industry in Indonesia. Using a balanced panel data that consists of 2,397 firms and in the year of 2010-2014, the data was estimated using the multiple regression method. The results show that there is positive spillover when local and foreign firms are in the same industry. Conversely, in different industries, negative spillover occurs in forward linkage when local firms buy the output of foreign firms and no spillover occurs in backward linkage when local firms become the suppliers of foreign firms. The Indonesian government must assure that foreign investment policies must benefit the domestic companies, considering there are some potential losses for domestic enterprises by the presence of foreign direct investment in the domestic market.

This report presents the second of four case studies of UK community energy organisations conducted during 2018/19. These will later be included as part of a synthesis briefing alongside a series of sector-level interviews. The case study makes use of a combination of qualitative (e.g. interviews, organisation reports) and quantitative (e.g. financial reports) data. Summary of key lessons: Government subsidy is the cornerstone to securing both community and private finance. By providing a substantial long-term guaranteed revenue stream, the FiT allowed GEM to raise community investment and further investment from commercial and state-backed lenders. Even with the FiT in place, sourcing commercial finance was challenging. In its absence, it is unlikely that commercial lenders will lend. The ability to raise community finance is dependent on the affluence and population density of a locality. Unable to raise all the finance it needed from the community of Mull, the organisation was forced to access more expensive loan finance. Communities present important test beds for innovation, but direct long-term benefits may not be forthcoming. In its role as a trusted local organisation, GEM demonstrated an important role for community energy in facilitating innovation, but the extent to which it has been able to benefit from this is questionable. Partnerships with public landowners are critical to project delivery. Forestry and Land Scotland made land available for use by GEM, which was critical to their hydro scheme. Without this the project could not have taken place.

Key messages: * Developing an economic narrative on the role of CCS (Carbon Capture and Storage) in the wider economy will help extend the current policy debate to involve a wider stakeholder audience – this is critical if we are to move the discussion forward. * The most compelling narrative at this stage in the UK policy context may be the 'sustained contribution' narrative, which focusses on the potential role of CCS in enabling the sustained contribution of sectors where we have already invested, from which we currently realise value, and from which we need to realise growing value. This relates directly to themes in the UK Industrial Strategy. * Two types of industries are particularly relevant to this narrative: the energy-using/emitting industries that may engage in CO2 capture, and the fossil fuel supplying oil and gas industry, where much of the skills, expertise and physical infrastructure that would be required to set up a CO2 transport and storage network already exist. * From our initial exploration of the evidence, we suggest that due to their capital intensity, jobs are difficult to create in CCS-relevant industries, while, due to the strength of their domestic upstream supply linkages, the loss of any one job is likely to have relatively large knock-on negative effects on other jobs. * Experimental work on price pressures suggests important but potentially very different patterns of how and by whom CCS may ultimately be 'paid for'. Where there may be impacts on the competitiveness of high value industries in some contexts and on consumer energy bills in others, these would have very different economic and political implications.

I stand here as a layman in a room full of experts; as someone who, for a few years, tried to steer the United Kingdom's energy policy in a safe and sustainable direction and now retains involvement as occasional participant and commentator. But none of that – or even the title of Visiting Professor at the University of Strathclyde - makes me an expert. The only defence I can plead is that, sometimes, you need non-experts making decisions because the one certainty about experts is that their expertise will not all point in the same direction. That is where politicians have come in; balancing the arguments – against cost, against benefits, against ideological objectives, against common sense. Not always successfully. If that process is to succeed, the most desirable ingredient is continuity. The same minister, the same advisers, the same intellectual challenges, the same objectives. On that basis, it just might be possible to steer a path that follows a consistent route, albeit with twists and turns along the way. Unfortunately, these conditions bear little relationship to the realities of how energy policy has evolved. In the absence of continuity, we have lived with a procession of compromises, delays and short-term fixes. At the end of the day, it has not been a disaster because the lights are still on and the wheels of industry – or what is left of it – continue to turn. But that is setting the bar rather low and also begs the question of what we are handing on to the next generation, a quarter of a century after the state-owned industries passed such a handsome legacy to those who succeeded them.

This report presents the first of four case studies of UK community energy organisations conducted during 2018/19. These will later be included as part of a synthesis briefing alongside findings from a series of sectoral-level interviews. The case study makes use of a combination of qualitative (e.g. interviews, organisation reports) and quantitative (e.g. financial reports) data. Key summary lessons include: The ability of community energy organisations to raise community finance is underpinned by government subsidies (e.g. feed-in-tariff). By providing a long-term guaranteed revenue stream, they de-risk the energy project. Their removal presents investors with a less attractive proposition, potentially closing down an important stream of finance. Local authorities are a key facilitator of community energy projects. For example, they may purchase power from community energy organisations, as well as provide space for power generation. The latter is highly dependent on the extent to which the procurement process and council leadership values locally supplied, low-carbon energy from not-for-profit organisations. Intermediaries are a key provider of economic, technical, social and political capital to community energy organisations. A key example are project developers such as Energy4All. Choices around legal structure have an important bearing on the financing and governance of a community energy organisation, including the: * Extent to which 'community benefit' is incorporated into the legal entity. * Level and type of finance it can raise. * Degree of risk it exposes its investors to. * Way in which control is exerted over the organisation's strategic direction and who wields this power.

This report presents the third of four case studies of UK community energy organisations conducted during 2018/19. These will later be included as part of a synthesis briefing alongside a series of sector-level interviews. The case study makes use of a combination of qualitative (e.g. interviews, organisation reports) and quantitative (e.g. financial reports) data. Summary of key lessons: The withdrawal of the FiT has made business model innovation necessary, whilst legacy revenues from the FiT have made experimentation possible. The withdrawal of the FiT has meant that the CIC is unable to employ its existing revenue model for future projects, forcing it towards a more service-oriented approach. Interestingly, the 20-25 year long guaranteed revenue the FiT provides has also provided the CiC with the necessary capital and security for them to experiment with their business model. Community loans and bonds can be a viable alternative to community shares for delivering community energy projects. Instead of crowd-sourcing share finance from hundreds of shareholders, Gwent Energy has shown how raising community loans and bonds through a members-only Investor Club presents a different means of raising capital. Challenges of CIC legal structure have been overcome by an innovative finance model and a cooperative ethos. Whilst it has some advantages, the CIC legal structure suffers from the inability to raise community shares and the lack of an automatic democratic "one shareholder, one vote" system. These shortcomings have been overcome by legally incorporating these voting rights and raising finance through loans and bonds from community members only. In turn, these investors are invited to sit on committees to shape the CIC's future. Heating business models present key challenges for community groups. Gwent Energy have thus far been unable to expand the heating side of its business, because of a combination of the poor rate of return from some low-carbon heating technologies (e.g. heat pumps), the rising cost of ...

This paper addresses the deepening vulnerability of both domestic and international migrant workers to contemporary slave labour and the challenges for its eradication in the Brazilian Amazonian state of Mato Grosso. Drawing upon the experiences of 40 workers 'rescued' from contemporary slave labour, the paper shows that the repetitive experiences of contemporary slave labour by subjects and the authoritarian turn in Brazil evokes a conceptual reinterpretation of solidarity and its operationalization. It must move away from the distinct liberal approach in the state paradigm to focus on class and agrarian based solidarity and their understanding of liberation. The paper redefines solidarity as structural and relational notion that engages with the epistemic insight of unfree workers to define the terms of their own freedom, pointing towards humanizing, and self-emancipating alternatives that challenge roots of class oppression and slave labour.

Explorations of the longer-term potential for community energy to contribute to the energy transition can shape policy and practice today. However, much community energy research in Great Britain is currently, and understandably, focussed on short-term responses to the crisis in the sector induced by recent shifts in policy support. Therefore, we held a series of visioning and backcasting workshops with community energy practitioners and other stakeholders, to co-create a vision of a long term future where there is a thriving community energy sector. This paper presents the results of those workshops. Using the concept of business models to interrogate how community energy could be structured in the future, we find that the sector could diversify from its current focus on renewable electricity generation and energy efficiency, into new areas of the energy system: demand-side flexibility, mobility and heat. We also see potential for a Community Energy Confederation to help bridge the gap between the strengths of local organising, and the opportunities offered by larger scale activities. We identify the importance of actions by government – both at national and local levels – to realising this vision, in combination with the efforts of the community energy sector itself. Our research highlights the need for change in the institutional and spatial character of community energy; the sector's pragmatic attitude to the technological aspects of the energy transition; and its focus on community energy's role in delivering social and environmental co-benefits, in line with the concept of a just transition.

The transition to clean energy is one of the UK's five priority areas for COP26. Alongside the potential benefits from creating green energy jobs, transition to a net-zero energy system offers the potential for delivering broader social, political, and economic benefits (Hamilton and Akbar, 2010; Hepburn et al., 2020; Roy et al., 2018; Sovacool et al., 2020). History shows us that socio-economic disruptions associated with transitions tend to amplify inequalities (Sovacool and Brisbois, 2019). It is likely that without intervention, these benefits, and the costs to deliver them, will not be evenly distributed across society, with negative impacts disproportionately affecting those in lower socio-economic and minority groups. Against this backdrop there has been increasing recognition for the need for Energy Justice – to deliver a socially inclusive and equitable net-zero transition (Abram et al., 2020). This growing awareness of the importance of energy justice has created the need for a framework or lens through which policy impact can be explored at the wider system level to help mitigate against unintended consequences. Energy Justice POINTs (Policy Overview and Impacts for Net-zero Transitions) provides a useful and usable framework to help decision makers explore the wide-reaching energy justice implications of their net-zero visions, strategies, and policies. It is based on four tenets of justice: * Distributional – where injustices lie * Recognition – who is affected * Procedural – how injustices can be overcome * Restorative – what we can do to ameliorate past injustices and mitigate against future injustices It also includes an additional four dimensions to take a whole-systems approach to a just transition which has been developed through a review of the literature. In this paper we outline the development of the Energy Justice POINTs framework, discuss how it can be used, and provide a worked example of how the framework could be applied to a specific project. The framework has also been tested by ...