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European economic integration and its enlargement phases foster the flows of international investments. This explains why the spatial distribution of economic activity is to an increasing extent determined by the location decisions of multinational firms (MNEs). Therefore, from a regional economy perspective, the geography of multinational activity is a policy concern for regional and local authorities. Not only does foreign activity have several contributions and implications for the regional economic development but also understanding the location process of these economic activities is crucial for adequate policy responses. This paper analyses the location decisions of European multinational firms across European countries (25) and regions (NUTS2). An emphasis is placed on whether location determinants for MNEs either change, or if not, which one dominates, at different spatial levels. We expect to find that agglomeration and dispersion forces behave in a different fashion depending on whether country or regional geographical scales are taken into consideration. We seek to explain how economic integration causes some multinational activity to locate in peripheral countries meaning a dispersion process at a supranational scale. The experience of Spain and Portugal in 1986, and more recently CEE countries, confirms this. They have received huge amounts of FDI coming from European countries. However, when the location decision is considered within a country, agglomeration tendencies come to dominate. The regions more developed within the host country attract the majority of these foreign inflows. With the recently incorporation of the knowledge capital model into a New Economic Geography (NEG) setting the links between multinational production and agglomeration are theoretically considered. But NEG setting seems to be scale independent. The same framework is used for analysing regional, urban and international issues. Then, an empirical test is necessary in order to account for these geographical scale differences. Empirically, we use a range of discrete choice models for location choices of MNEs across Europe. The independent variables are grouped into four categories: market access, labour market, agglomeration and others. The first results seem to confirm our hypothesis of a different behaviour of the location determinants depending on the geographical scale taken into consideration.

Central and East European economies have experienced since 1990 increasing integration with the European Union via trade and foreign direct investments. The spatial implications of this process have been, so far, little investigated. This paper identifies and explains the effects of economic integration on patterns of regional specialisation, location of industrial activity and regional growth in accession countries. We address the following research questions: Have patterns of regional specialisation changed in the period 1990-1999? Does greater specialisation imply greater polarisation? Has relocation of manufacturing activity taken place? What is the relationship between regional specialisation and growth? We find evidence suggesting a tendency of increasing absolute and relative regional specialisation in Bulgaria, Romania and Slovenia and decreasing specialisation in Hungary and Estonia. We also find relocation and increasing geographic concentration of manufacturing activity, of different magnitude though, in all five countries mentioned above. Bilateral differences between the industrial structures of pairs of countries indicate that Romania and Bulgaria have become more similar in the period 1991-1994 but are diverging since 1995. Also, industrial structures in Romania and Slovenia and Bulgaria and Slovenia, respectively, are diverging. Industrial structures in Romania and Bulgaria are more similar to each other compared to Slovenia's. Our research results suggest that regional specialisation is negatively related to regional GDP and unemployment rates and that lower growth of regional GDP per capita is associated with higher unemployment rates.

This paper examined the location choices of Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) from 2005&ndash ; 2016 with a particular focus on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. It was found that Chinese OFDI in ASEAN countries was generally focused on areas that had large potential markets and low tax rates. Unlike previous studies, it was found that primary and secondary industry labor costs were the main motivators rather than resource-seeking. The business environment in the host countries was also found to have positive and significant effects on Chinese OFDI location choice for the agricultural, mining, construction, and information industries. The insights in this paper could provide useful suggestions for both governments and investors.

The aim of this study is to empirically investigate the development of Industrial Localization and Countries' Specialization Patterns in the European Union, to explain the driving forces behind and to find out dynamic tendencies. We extend existing research work by using a broader data set, covering a longer period of time and by applying several econometric methods in order to explain Localization and Specialization. Explanatory variables are derived from Traditional Trade Theory, New Trade Theories and the New Economic Geography. Taking EU-KLEMS data for 14 European countries covering 20 industries over the period from 1970 to 2005 we compute both regional and locational Gini coefficients. There is a clear increase in Industrial Concentration but only a slight increase in Countries' Specialization in the EU evident over time. Especially, low technology or labor intensive industries experienced the highest increase in Industrial Concentration. New Trade Theory and New Economic Geography can explain both Industrial Concentration and Countries' Specialization in the EU best. As regards Countries' Specialization our results indicate that trade costs seem to have declined so much and European liberalization has proceeded so far that dispersion among countries occurs again. We show that it's important to consider multicollinearity problems of variables. Furthermore, we test for cointegration between our regression variables. For the EU, results of an error correction modeling framework show that imbalances in European Countries' Specialization are being set off at a rate of about 68 to 105 percent (according to the regression framework taken) within the next period. New Economic Geography is the best explanatory force within the error correction model. Adjustments rates for Sweden and Italy appear to be much lower than for the EU as a whole. These results might be valuable for understanding agglomeration processes in the EU. Also, as European Integration continues to progress, it is important to know how and how quickly countries will specialize and industries will agglomerate.

The differences registered in the early 90s between the economy of the European Union as compared to the economies of the United States and Japan, in regards of growth rates, investment rates, R&D and innovation, international trade, etc., as well as the fast changes of the world economy determined the European Commission to issue the white paper on "Growth, Competitiveness and Employment", underlining the meaning of the European economy's competitiveness in the new conditions, and the legal frame for EU's industrial policy was settled through the Treaty of Maastricht. The document was setting theobjectives, priorities and the six basic principles of the European industrial policy, in a unitary concept. In the spring of 2000, the European Council from Lisbon sets the objective of transforming the European Union in the most dynamic and competitive economy of the world, and, therefore, foresees a working agenda with specific actions going until the horizon of 2009. In December 2002, after EUs enlargement, the Commission forwards to the Council the document titled "Industrial Policy in an Enlarged Europe", in which theindustrial development at the moment of new member states integration is analyzed, as well as the effects of EU's enlargement over the industry, and it suggests actions for the future development of the sector. The industrial policy of the EU must offer solutions for industrial development, by answering the challenges concerning globalization, the technological and organizational changes, the increasing role of innovation and entrepreneurship, and the sustainable development taking into consideration the new socialrequirements. The development objectives set at European level cannot be reached without a tight interconnection of the industrial policy measures with those of some complementary policies, such as thecommercial policy, the single market policy, transport and energy policies, research and development policies, competition policy, regional and macroeconomic policies.

Defence date: 9 January 2009 ; Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta (EUI/External Supervisor); Prof. Laszlo Bruszt, EUI; Prof. Sidney Tarrow, Cornell University; Prof. Carlo Ruzza, University of Leicester ; First available online on 12 March 2019 ; This doctoral thesis aims to trace the impacts of campaigns carried out by coalitions of social movement organisations in the transnational arena of the EU. In order to accomplish this task, an original approach to process tracing is adopted using methods used in social movement studies. The internal aspects of campaigns are investigated using a dynamic, cross-time and multi-level, frame analysis, while the contexts of the campaigns are analysed through political and discursive opportunity approaches adapted to the peculiarities of the EU arena. Four case studies, including two campaigns concerned with environmental / public health policy (GMOs and coexistence, and the REACH legislation) and two concerned with broadly defined social policy (the mid-term review of the Lisbon agenda and the Services directive), make up the empirical part of the study. Drawing on documentary evidence as well as semi-structured interviews with staff members from the core SMOs involved in each campaign at the Brussels level, the processes leading to access, agenda, or policy outcomes (or indeed non-outcomes) are traced using the analytical methods mentioned above. These processes provide the basis for preliminary conclusions on the nature of campaigning in the EU. Elite allies are found to be important in securing desired outcomes in campaigns, as are solid, previously agreed shared frames between coalition organisations. The cases also show that the EU is not an arena where conventional tactics (i.e. lobbying) are always enough – indeed the ability to campaign effectively at multiple levels using appropriate tactics is identified as a major factor in campaigns that saw positive outcomes. This finding challenges the idea that the EU arena is unsuitable to protest actions (e.g. Marks and McAdam 1996). Finally, the study uncovers the beginnings of a divide between 'technical' and 'political' campaigns in the EU. Stemming from the finding that national contexts still provided the opportunities or threats that appeared most important in campaign outcomes, the cases showed that where campaigns were more 'political' - in that they were more ideologically charged - groups were more likely to be able to mobilise grassroots members and secure their desired outcomes. In more 'technical' cases, where the European Commission played a greater role, mobilisation efforts were subdued as groups sunk their resources in long cycles of consultation and knowledge production geared to the needs of the Commission.

Regarding industry, the bank in broad acceptation it consists of all firms producing identical or substitutable goods and services, these companies are engaged in a close race to meet similar needs as the same type of buyers.The evolution of industries is influenced by several factors: the pace of structural adjustment, adaptability to market requirements, the level of technological endowment, technical and financial capacity to attract financial resources for investment and technological upgrading, attractiveness to investors, usability of effective workforce, the development of services for industrial activity.The main objective of EU industrial policy is to strengthen international competitiveness, while providing its customers quality products at competitive prices. In shaping industrial policy, EU experience can provide a benchmark reference for defining the objectives, ways of action, specific tools and concrete measures to implement the policy.