Suchergebnisse

This study investigates Lipset-Rokkan's "freezing hypothesis" based on the contemporary Indonesia cleavages by analyzing the 2014 election together with the previous elections. This study found the endured cleavages are ethnic and aliran (literally, "stream"), which consist of the competing abangan (nominal Muslim) and santri (devout Muslim) cleavages. Both had been "frozen," or existed latantly, during the New Order, but they revived afterwards. However, the ethnic cleavage arguably has been "melted" faster than the aliran one as the former seems to be more vulnerable to other political appeals. The aliran, in contrast, is somewhat callous due to its complex basis. This paper also suggests that, because the strength of any individual cleavage may vary from one region to another, capturing the empirically existing cleavages better may require going to regional or district levels instead of being solely reliant on a national-level study. This study underscores that the cleavages in the form of ethnicity and aliran cannot simply be abandoned in the elections in Indonesia. It is even suggested that the aliran may be one of the dimensions of the endogeneity of voters' religio-political identity.

Identity politics was significant in 2019 Indonesian general elections. The result of the election however, seems to show that identity was only significant in presidential but not in legislative election. Given that the legislative and presidential elections are conducted concurrently, it is logical to assume that what is significant in the presidential election will also be significant for the legislative election. This paper tries to briefly answer several questions. Is identity politics really rising? Why does it seem to be significant only in the presidential and not the legislative election? If identity politics in the presidential election is important, assuming that the incumbent is mostly the target of that politics, why did the incumbent still win? What are the implications of this for Indonesian democracy? Data of the study were taken from the Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting (SMRC) and the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) surveys and exit poll. Theoretical guidance for the discussion will be mainly based on the voting behavior and identity politics literature. The study indicates that identity politics was rising and significantly in play during this election, including by using fake news. However, the impact of identity politics is limited by the fundamental factors (such as public evaluation on the incumbent), making it fail to be a deciding factor in presidential election. Importantly, the multipolar nature of competition in legislative election made identity politics difficult to exert decisive effect.

This study aims to investigate the memes created by Nurhadi-Aldo, a fictional presidential candidate. Data is collected from Nurhadi-Aldo's Instagram profile. The descriptive qualitative approach was used and the sampling procedure carried out was purposive sampling. To analyze the data and to uncover the hidden values, the three-dimension analysis proposed by Fairclough (2001) was used. The first dimension was textual analysis where the textual and visual sign of the presidential memes were examined. The second dimension was the analysis of the discursive practice surrounding the production of Nurhadi-Aldo memes. And the last was the sociocultural practice analysis that deals with how Indonesian internet users reacted to this viral phenomenon. The result points out that the memes represent the visualization of public social critics toward a political condition in Indonesia. With regards to the content creator, Nurhadi-Aldo's memes further indicate the scepticism value of Indonesian youth. These findings further confirm that the function of the meme is not limited to entertainment purpose only, but also to deliver political criticism. Hence, it is expected that the findings will give more insights into how certain values can be delivered through the use of everyday text, such as memes.

AbstractThe Elections Supervisory Agency, in Indonesia known as Bawaslu (Badan Pengawas Pemilu), is the supervisor for all elections in Indonesia. The Agency has many roles, authorities, and obligations. One of their authorities is to oversee the activities of campaigns in various platforms, including the social media. The Agency has an authority to ensure and to keep the election participants not to violate campaign rules. They are obliged to ensure no misuse of social media, considering that the social media has been platforms to spread hoaxes and hate speeches–activities that can disrupt and undermine the ongoing democratic process. This study aims to explain the achievements of Bawaslu in carrying out the process of monitoring social media, the obstacles, the findings, the enforcements, and the importance of the role of state institutions. Prior to the prosecution, such as taking down media content, account deletion, or criminal prosecution, it is necessary to pay attention to the existing legal rules. This study performed analysis employing qualitative method with juridical-empirical approach. The data consisted of the spread of hoaxes and hate speeches that are spread on social media during the course of the 2019 Election stages. Peran Badan Pengawas Pemilu Menangani Berita Bohong dan Ujaran Kebencian dalam Pemilu 2019Abstrak Dalam kedudukannya sebagai pengawas pemilu, Badan Pengawas Pemilu (Bawaslu) tidak sekadar berwenang untuk mengawasi pelaksanaan kampanye melalui media sosial oleh para peserta pemilu untuk tidak melanggar aturan kampanye. Bawaslu berkewajiban memastikan agar tidak ada penyalahgunaan media sosial dengan berita bohong (hoax) dan ujaran kebencian (hate speech), yang dapat menganggu dan merusak proses demokrasi yang berlangsung. Akan tetapi pengawasan di media sosial memiliki persoalan tersendiri karena dibutuhkan keseimbangan antara pembatasan kebebasan berbicara dan aturan mengenai ujaran kebencian. Artikel ini berusaha untuk menjelaskan, apa saja yang sudah dilakukan oleh Bawaslu dalam melakukan proses pengawasan di media sosial, hambatan yang dialami, temuan yang ditindak lanjutin dan pentingnya peran antar lembaga negara. Sebelum dilakukan proses penindakan baik penurunan konten, penghapusan akun serta proses pidana, perlunya memperhatikan aturan hukum yang ada. Analisa dalam tulisan ini ditulis berdasarkan kajian kualitatif dengan pendekatan yuridis-empiris dan penyebaran isu kebohongan dan ujaran kebencian yang ada di media sosial selama proses pemilu 2019 berlangsung.Kata kunci: hoaks dan ujaran kebencian, kebebasan berbicara, pengawasan pemilu. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v7n2.a2

This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia's largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its "middle way" approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah's elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization's attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep "jalan tengah". Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]

The April 2004 Indonesian general election, specifically the election for the House of Peoples Representatives, produced an indecisive result. The election results point to the fact tha,t with an absence of any dominant party, the Indonesian political scene will be more splintered, with the likelihood of the government emerging from the election process being a product of power-sharing arrangements and coalition politics essentially the characteristic feature of Indonesian politics. This article argues that the popular perspective that chronic instability will be the outcome of such political conditions is flawed but rather the adoption of power-sharing formulas will be a defining characteristic of the consociational character of Indonesias democratic system. (Contemp Southeast Asia/DÜI)

The 2019 Indonesian general election provides an interesting platform to study coattail effects considering the fact that the presidential elections were held concurrently with the three levels of the legislative offices including the national, provincial, as well as regency and city. Moreover, the multi-party system practiced in the country allows the influence of the party's position on several aspects of the coalition including the origin, old and new members, as well as new parties. Therefore, this study estimates the presidential coattail effect on the 2019 election by analyzing the relationship between presidential candidates and party vote share at three tiers of legislative elections. It also indicates the different effects of each party at every level of the legislative election with a decreasing trend from national to provincial, regency and city. The results showed several critical points which include (1) the presidential coattail effect occurs differently for parties at each level of the legislative election but most of them experienced decreasing trend from upper to lower level, (2) incumbency is not a guarantee that the coattail effect occurs equally among all members of the incumbent coalition, (3) origin party in the incumbent and competing coalitions experienced different level of effect, (4) party's history or track records in the coalition might influence the coattail effect, and (5) the presidential coattail effect is critical for the new party to gain support, specifically when it has no prominent figures. (Asian Aff/GIGA)