Suchergebnisse

On December 26, 2004, a gigantic earthquake ripped apart the floor of the Indian Ocean off the coast of Sumatra. The force of the quake sent a tsunami in all directions toward unprotected shores and unwarned populations, many in remote areas or secluded vacation spots. Within 12 hours, more than 200,000 people had been killed, and many more left injured or homeless, their livelihoods destroyed. Cities and villages lay in ruins. Even the geography of the earth was changed. But as the affected countries, with help from around the world, struggled to recover, scientists warned that the next deadly tsunami could come at any time. The question remains whether the world will be any more prepared for the next one. Read how the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami changed the way nations are tracking natural-disaster warnings in an effort to prevent future disasters.

This study focuses on the impact of forced relocation on the livelihoods of residents who lived in the city of Galle, Southern Province of Sri Lanka, prior to the 2004 tsunami, who were later forcibly relocated into new settlements situated far from the city of Galle as a result of the "buffer zone regulation" (no construction zone). It further examines various livelihood strategies (i.e. coping and enhancement) employed against stresses and risks (i.e. income, housing, common infrastructure and fragmented relationship with the host community) emanating from forced relocation. Finally, it attempts to show how all these stresses and risks have added to increased social vulnerability, threatening the livelihood security of the relocated sample households in three research locations by adopting a socio-geographic approach. The empirical study is embedded in two main research areas: displacement and relocation research, and vulnerability and livelihoods research. Two conceptual frameworks of forced relocation (Thayer Scudder's Stress and Settlement Process, and Michael Cernea's Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model for Resettling Displaced People) and another two conceptual frameworks of social vulnerability (Bohle's conceptual model on Double Structure of Vulnerability and the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework) were used to construct an analytical framework for the empirical study. Data was collected in three stages between September 2006 and March 2008 in three large resettlements 8-12 km away from the city of Galle using several data collection methods, namely detailed household questionnaires, in-depth interview schedules, key informant interviews, simple observations and PRA methods. Triangulation of methods was used with the purpose of improving the quality of data as well as to acquire a more holistic picture of the relocation process. Both qualitative and quantitative data analysis techniques were employed to analyse the collected data. As the study shows, firstly the tsunami and secondly the forced relocation into settlements far from the city were severe shocks to the studied households. As a result of these shocks, they had to begin their life from scratch. None of the interviewed householders wanted to move out of the city due to perceiving the negative consequences on their livelihoods, access to schools and other services. Unavailability of unused state owned land in the city forced government authorities to relocate most of the tsunami displaced people into settlements far from the city despite previous pledges made by the government to relocate them within Galle city. This has increased the uncertainty of relocatees about their future. Displaced people, however opposed to this move, did not have any permanent place to live other than the new settlements far from the city and in addition were unable to successfully cope with various issues and problems (limited space, lack of water, no electricity, poor construction of wooden houses etc) in their transitory shelters. Empirical data also pointed out increased income related stress owing to new household expenses (i.e. new transport cost, water bills and electricity bills) and disruption of income earning activities mainly due to transportation difficulties into the city and lack of income earning opportunities in the new area. This situation forced them to employ various livelihood strategies such as entering more household members into the workforce, starting new home based income earning activity and change of main income earning activity. Nevertheless, household surveys and in-depth interviews with selected household members proved that economically poor resettled households were unable to successfully cope with income related stresses. Additionally, other stress and risk factors such as poor housing quality, lack of common infrastructure, fragmented social relationships with the host community that extended up to physical violence caused some resettlers to move back to the buffer zone illegally or places close to the city by renting, selling or closing their new houses. Though there was a general institutional arrangement for relief and reconstruction soon after the tsunami, the study also shows that government officials at various levels were lacking relevant knowledge and capacities to handle the massive relocation process effectively. In this context, relocatees got increasingly frustrated as there was no solid external support system to successfully address their grievances and feeling of being neglected by relevant authorities, which is a major sign of social marginalization. This clearly indicates a sign of failure of tsunami induced forced relocation program in the Akmeemana Divisional Secretary Division in Galle district.

On December 26, 2004, a massive tsunami triggered by an underwater earthquake pummeled the coasts of Thailand, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and other countries along the Indian Ocean. With casualties as far away as Africa, the aftermath was overwhelming: ships could be spotted miles inland; cars floated in the ocean; legions of the unidentified dead -- an estimated 225,000 -- were buried in mass graves; relief organizations struggled to reach rural areas and provide adequate aid for survivors.Shortly after this disaster, researchers from around the world traveled to the region's most devastated areas

Tsunamis and their victims -- Aditya's story: the tsunami hits -- Trails of destruction -- The causes of tsunamis -- Aditya's story: in the water -- How tsunamis work -- Aditya's story: after the wave -- Where tsunamis happen -- Danger zones -- Aditya's story: at the hospital -- How science can fight tsunamis -- Protecting people -- Aditya's story: rebuilding our lives -- Glossary -- Learning More.

Im Dezember 2004 kam es vor Sumatra zu einem Seebeben. Insgesamt waren zwölf Länder von den Auswirkungen des darauffolgenden Tsunamis betroffen und Menschen aus über 50 Ländern verloren ihr Leben. Weltweit kam es zu einem unvergleichlichen Spendenaufkommen und zu großer Hilfsbereitschaft. Nach dem Tsunami in Asien wurden alleine in der Schweiz durch die Glückskette Spenden in Höhe von 227,7 Millionen Franken generiert. Hilfswerke aus zahlreichen Ländern der Welt leisteten Katastrophenhilfe. Eine geregelte Koordination war schwierig und die Katastrophenhilfe stand vor großen Aufgaben. Das weckt Erinnerungen an die 1990er Jahre, in denen die Katastrophenhilfe in die Kritik geriet. Die Vorwürfe damals: Der Katastrophenhilfe mangele es an Koordination und Professionalität. Dies führte zu einem Imageschaden und zu Vertrauensverlust. Als Referenzpunkt der vorliegenden Studie wurde der Tsunami gewählt, weil auch hier die Gefahr besteht, dass auf Grund der enormen Herausforderungen ähnliche Probleme auftreten und es erneut zu einem Imageschaden kommen könnte. Diese Punkte sind Anlass genug, um sich dem Thema der Katastrophenhilfe und ihres Images aus sozialwissenschaftlicher Perspektive zu nähern. Zur Überprüfung der Frage, wird eine Inhaltsanalyse in vier schweizerischen Tageszeitungen durchgeführt. Der Analysezeitraum beginnt ein Jahr vor dem Tsunami, um zu sehen, wie die Katastrophenhilfe bis anhin dargestellt wurde und endet 2008, vier Jahre nach dem Tsunami. So können die mittelfristigen Auswirkungen des Tsunamis auf das Image aufgezeigt werden. Miteinbezogen in die Untersuchung wird auch die Berichterstattung über die Katastrophenhilfe nach anderen Katastrophen im Untersuchungszeitraum.

During the past 10 years following the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, invaluable lessons have been learned and great changes have been observed. Immediately after the disaster, the second World Conference on Disaster Reduction was held in Kobe, Japan, and formulated the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA: 2005?2015). HFA provided a platform and framework for changes and innovations, many of which were part of the recovery programs in the different countries affected by the 2004 disaster. This book is a modest attempt to review the lessons learned through the recovery process in the affected region. The book has 31 chapters, drawing lessons from four countries: India, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. There are five sections: Overview (10 chapters), Indonesia (8 chapters), India (6 chapters), Sri Lanka (5 chapters), and Thailand (2 chapters). The primary target groups for this book are students and researchers in the fields of disaster risk reduction, environment, and development. The book provides them with a good idea of the current research trends and lessons over the past decade of recovery initiatives. Another target group comprises practitioners and policy makers, who will be able to apply the knowledge collected here to establishing policy and making decisions.