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WOS: 000336908800001 ; Let G be a simple connected graph of order n, m edges, maximum degree Delta(1) and minimum degree delta. Li et al. (Appl. Math. Lett. 23: 286-290, 2010) gave an upper bound on number of spanning trees of a graph in terms of n, m, Delta(1) and delta: t(G) <= delta (2m-Delta(1)-delta-1/n-3)(n-3). The equality holds if and only if G congruent to K-1,K-n-1, G congruent to K-n, G congruent to K-1 boolean OR (K-1 boolean OR Kn-2) or G congruent to K-n - e, where e is any edge of K-n. Unfortunately, this upper bound is erroneous. In particular, we show that this upper bound is not true for complete graph K-n. In this paper we obtain some upper bounds on the number of spanning trees of graph G in terms of its structural parameters such as the number of vertices (n), the number of edges (m), maximum degree (Delta(1)), second maximum degree (Delta(2)), minimum degree (delta), independence number (alpha), clique number (omega). Moreover, we give the Nordhaus-Gaddum-type result for number of spanning trees. ; Faculty research Fund, Sungkyunkwan University; National Research Foundation - Korean governmentKorean Government [2013R1A1A2009341]; Research Project Office of Selcuk UniversitySelcuk University; Research Project Office of Uludag UniversityUludag University; TUBITAK (The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey)Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) ; The authors are grateful to the referees for their valuable comments, which lead to an improvement of the original manuscript. This paper was prepared during the first author's visit in Selcuk and Uludag Universities. Moreover, we are thankful to Mr. SA Mojallal for computing the values in Example 1. The first author is supported by the Faculty research Fund, Sungkyunkwan University, 2012 and the National Research Foundation funded by the Korean government with the grant no. 2013R1A1A2009341. The second and the third authors are both partially supported by the Research Project Offices of Selcuk and Uludag Universities, and TUBITAK (The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey).

© 2022 Elsevier. This manuscript version is made available under the CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ ; The k-thpower of a graph G=(V,E), G^k, is the graph whose vertex set is V and in which two distinct vertices are adjacent if and only if their distance in G is at most k. This article proves various eigenvalue bounds for the independence number and chromatic number of G^k which purely depend on the spectrum of G, together with a method to optimize them. Our bounds for the k-independence number also work for its quantum counterpart, which is not known to be a computable parameter in general, thus justifying the use of integer programming to optimize them. Some of the bounds previously known in the literature follow as a corollary of our main results. Infinite families of graphs where the bounds are sharp are presented as well. ; The research of A. Abiad is partially supported by the FWO grant 1285921N. A. Abiad and M.A. Fiol gratefully acknowledge the support from DIAMANT. This research of M.A. Fiol has been partially supported by AGAUR from the Catalan Government under project 2017SGR1087 and by MICINN from the Spanish Government under project PGC2018-095471-B-I00. B. Nogueira acknowledges grant PRPQ/ADRC from UFMG. The authors would also like to thank Anurag Bishnoi for noticing a tight family for our bound (19). ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (author's final draft)

The domination game is played on a graph by two players, Dominator and Staller, who alternately choose a vertex of G. Dominator aims to finish the game in as few turns as possible while Staller aims to finish the game in as many turns as possible. The game ends when all vertices are dominated. The game domination number, denoted by &gamma ; g ( G ) (respectively &gamma ; g &prime ; ( G ) ), is the total number of turns when both players play optimally and when Dominator (respectively Staller) starts the game. In this paper, we study a version of this game where the set of chosen vertices is always independent. This version turns out to be another game known as the competition-independence game. The competition-independence game is played on a graph by two players, Diminisher and Sweller. They take turns in constructing maximal independent set M, where Diminisher tries to minimize | M | and Sweller tries to maximize | M | . Note that, actually, it is the domination game in which the set of played vertices is independent. The competition-independence number, denoted by I d ( G ) (respectively I s ( G ) ) is the optimal size of the final independent set in the competition-independence game if Diminisher (respectively Sweller) starts the game. In this paper, we check whether some well-known results in the domination game hold for the competition-independence game. We compare the competition-independence numbers to the game domination numbers. Moreover, we provide a family of graphs such that many parameters are equal. Finally, we present a realization result on the competition-independence numbers.

[Being the fifth part of a series of Studies on the Eastern
Question. The preceding parts appeared in the January, April and
July numbers of the Journal for 1911, and the January number for
1912.]

From the foregoing explanations, it will be seen that in the
Turko-Bulgarian arrangement relative to the question of independence, less
care was taken in regulating according to juridical principles the
transmission of the attributes of sovereignty than in an effort to reach a
financial compromise capable of conciliating opposing interests. We have in
particular considered the property of the public domain as a real property
for which the emancipated State must refund the accumulated outlay. This is
a curious idea for our times, when we have lost the habit of looking at the
public power in the light of patrimoniality. But this conception is
self-explanatory, if we but remember that we are in the Orient, in Turkish
territory where the coining of the attributes of sovereignty has always been
the rule, where the principles of the Middle Ages have survived longer than
anywhere else. And these conditions are self-explaining if we think of the
persisting uncertainty of the nature and the real meaning both of the Treaty
of Berlin and of the union of 1885 regarding Bulgaria and Rumeiia. From all
these conditions, there issues an impression of indecision and of
archaism.

Ausgehend von einem kurzen historischen Rückblick auf die Geschichte Estlands seit dem 12.Jh. vermittelt der Autor einen Überblick über die Genesis des durch die estnischen Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen verursachten Konflikts zwischen der politischen Führung Estlands und der zentralen Moskauer Führung. Dabei geht der Autor insbesondere auf die beiden Hauptstreitpunkte ein: die Forderung nach ökonomischer Unabhängigkeit Estlands und die Debatte über den Molotow-Ribbentrop-Pakt. Des weiterenbefaßt sich der Autor mit den tieferliegenden Ursachen der Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen Estlands, mit dem politischen Programm der "Volksfront Estlands" sowie abschließend mit den möglichen Entwicklungsperspektiven der estnischen Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen. (BIOst-klk)

In this paper, we survey the case for central bank independence (CBI). We conclude that CBI is neither necessary nor sufficient for monetary stability. CBI is just one potentially useful monetary policy design instrument among several, & CBI should not be treated as an exogenous variable. Instead, the question that should be addressed is why societies decide to make their central banks independent? The reasons why CBI is chosen are related to legal, political, & economic systems. A number of empirical studies find correlations between CBI & low inflation rates. Endogeneity of CBI suggests, however, that the correlation has no implications for causality. 106 References. Adapted from the source document.

The human development index is an important indicator to measure success in efforts to build human quality of life. Human development emphasizes the fulfillment of a life worthy of man. The government is making efforts to improve the quality of the population as a resource, both from aspects of education such as subsidies contained in the law, in terms of health and economic perspectives that can be seen from the income of the community. In this study, the authors analyzed how the influence of regional financial independence, percapita income and the number of poor people as an effort in the process of improving human development in each province in Indonesia. The research data was taken from 34 provinces in Indonesia with a period from 2014-2018 through the Central Statistics Agency. Through chow test and hausman test, this study used panel data analysis with Fixed Effect Model (FEM) approach. The results of partial or t-tests showed that regional financial independence had a significant effect on the human development index with a statistical t-value of 3,100864 and a probability of α < 0.05, Per capita GDP data has a significant effect on the human development index with a statistical t-value of 5,131457 and a probability of α < 0.05, and the number of poor people has a significant effect on the human development index with a statistical t-value of -16,10742 and a probability of α < 0.05. Simultaneous test results or F-test showed a statistical F-value of 74,08607 with a probability of α < 0.05 which means that together independent variables have a significant effect on dependent variables. Through the R² test results obtained a value of 0.952502 means variables of regional financial independence, percapita income and the number of poor people are able to explain the effect on the human development index in each province in Indonesia by 95 percent ____________________________________________________________Keywords: Regional Financial Independence (KKD), Perkapita Income (GDPperkapita), Number of ...

This paper provides sufficient conditions under which the negotiated wage in unionized oligopolistic industries with centralized negotiations is independent of a number of product market features (such as the number of firms, the degree of product substitutability, or the type of market competition). This wage independence property is shown to hold in a broad class of industry specifications widely-used in the literature, both when negotiations are conducted over wages alone (Right-to-Manage), and over wages and employment (Efficient Bargains). In particular, it holds for the Dixit-Stiglitz preference-for-diversity model, the symmetric linear demands-linear one factor (labor) technology model, and the constant elasticity demand and cost functions model. In these models the negotiated wage is independent of the bargaining institution, too. Unions are then better-off as the market becomes more competitive since aggregate employment increases.

In the intense debates about the energy needs of the United States and how those needs can best be met, Americans for Energy Independence has taken a number of strong positions. Given both your truly formidable background in energy development and your own heavy schedule, why, Mr. Shaw, did you decide to serve on the Advisory Panel of AEI? What do you expect or hope it will accomplish?SHAW: What first attracted me was AEI's objective of acting openly—as a public interest group—to stimulate policies and actions for moving the U.S. rapidly toward reasonable energy self-sufficiency. This means in fuel resources and energy supplies.

Relations between Australia and Indonesia became strained within months of Indonesia's attainment of independence, deteriorating as conflict developed first on the question of West Irian and then as a result of Indonesia's hostility towards Malaysia. For many years, it seemed ironical that Australia should have played a major part in the emergence of a neighbour whose external policies and internal trends endangered rather than safeguarded Australian interests. But there is more involved here than historical irony in the context of Australian-Indonesian relations. Sufficient time has now elapsed for Australian policy on the Indonesian independence question to be seen in the wider context of the whole postwar phenomenon of decolonisation. For it is not merely of interest that Australia should have assisted neighbouring Asian rebels against a European colonial Power (remembering that Australia herself was, and is, a European colonial Power) and should then have been embarrassed by the activities of the rebels coming to office. It is of greater interest that, of the immense number of colonial issues anxiously engaging the attention of international society in the 1940s and 1950s, the years which saw the virtual demise of western colonialism, this was the one issue on which Australia took up the rebel cause. Throughout this period and irrespective of the complexion of the parties in power in Canberra, Australia persistently jeopardised her regional objective of friendly relations with anti-colonial Asia by opposing strongly and, at times, bitterly the anti-colonial cause in the United Nations. If nothing else, the United Nations has provided a forum in which each year Australia and other members have been forced to declare themselves on colonial questions. And, until the 1960s when Australia switched policy, Australia fought against all the anti-colonial Powers' largely successful attempts to have developed a system of international control over colonies under the authority of Chapter XI ("Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories") of the United Nations charter, to tighten the trusteeship system of supervision erected under Chapters XII and XIII of the charter, and to involve the United Nations in particular disputes so as to meet alleged threats to peace — all of them being attempts, however indirectly, to hasten the attainment of independence by dependent territories. Thus, Australia supported South Africa on South-West Africa, the Netherlands on West New Guinea, the British on Southern Rhodesia and Oman, the Portuguese on their African territories, the French on Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. But Australia opposed the Netherlands on the Indonesian question.