Suchergebnisse

Increasing level of inequilities in societies has diverted the attention of policy makers towards the new development paradigm of "Inclusive Growth" across the developing world especially. Despite the achievement of reduction in extreme poverty 60.3 percent of the population still lives under $2-a-day poverty line in Pakistan. Gini coefficient increased from 30.3 percent (1993), to 33 percent (2006)1 indicating that growth has been uneven and the gap between haves and have-nots widened over the time. A small segment of the population is benefiting fruits of growth to a large extent leaving large segment of the society deprived of basic needs; 51 percent of the population is suffering from severe deprivation of education and 29 percent with health.2 The prevailing inequalities in Pakistan have reslted in 31.5 percent3 loss in human development which could have been improved otherwise. Different socio-economic indicators show that the disadvantage groups including poor, people living in rural areas have not benefited proportionally from economic growth.4 Income inqualities can hamper the growth through lowering the impact on poverty reduction of a given rate of growth, and thereby reduce the growth. Furthermore inequalities can operate through political (in)stability and social cohesion channels to dissuade economic growth [Ali and Son (2007)]. In this back drop, reducing inequalities has become a major concern of development policy across the globe especially so for developing countries generating interest in inclusive growth. Inclusive growth ensures fair and equal access to all stratum of society, including disadvantaged and marginalised, to opportunities created [Ali and Son (2007)].

The study attempts to examine the impact of social sector development on inclusive growth in India. Ever since Independence, India's encounter with gnawing poverty and stark deprivation, particularly of the weaker and the marginalised sections of society, cajoled India's planners to moot the development policies with the sole objective of exacerbating growth with equity. That is why since the beginning of the planning era, the stress had been laid on strengthening and expanding the social sectors with the premise that it would boost the inclusive growth agenda, manifesting in equal access to employment and economic opportunities; equal participation in decision-making and reduction in poverty and inequality. In conformity with the objective of our study, we intend to gauge the effect and contribution of different components of social sector development in India, on inclusiveness of growth using time series data for the period of 1985–1986 to 2015–2016. It was found that the expenditure related to 'social security and welfare' contributes significantly towards inclusive growth in India while the expenditure incurred on 'welfare of marginalised class' and 'rural development' exudes negative association with inclusiveness of growth.

We estimate the effect of the share of ethnic groups included in the central government on economic growth, distinguishing between democracies and autocracies in a panel of 41 sub-Saharan African countries over the period 1950-2000. We exploit evidence from the Ethnic Power Relations database that categorizes the politically relevant ethnic groups in terms of access to state power. We are taking advantage of the within-country variation and using Fixed-Effects, Difference-GMM and System-GMM estimations. Our dynamic panel data and error-correction growth models display a robust positive effect of the proportion of included groups in democracies. This effect is offset in autocracies and the difference is often significantly negative. This finding withstands the introduction of various controls and specification checks. We provide a theoretical rationalization of this observed phenomenon in the form of a mechanism involving the opposition of forces linked to efficiency gains, coordination failures and inclusiveness.

We estimate the effect of the share of ethnic groups included in the central government on economic growth, distinguishing between democracies and autocracies in a panel of 41 sub-Saharan African countries over the period 1950-2000. We exploit evidence from the Ethnic Power Relations database that categorizes the politically relevant ethnic groups in terms of access to state power. We are taking advantage of the within-country variation and using Fixed-Effects, Difference-GMM and System-GMM estimations. Our dynamic panel data and error-correction growth models display a robust positive effect of the proportion of included groups in democracies. This effect is offset in autocracies and the difference is often significantly negative. This finding withstands the introduction of various controls and specification checks. We provide a theoretical rationalization of this observed phenomenon in the form of a mechanism involving the opposition of forces linked to efficiency gains, coordination failures and inclusiveness.

We estimate the effect of the share of ethnic groups included in the central government on economic growth, distinguishing between democracies and autocracies in a panel of 41 sub-Saharan African countries over the period 1950-2000. We exploit evidence from the Ethnic Power Relations database that categorizes the politically relevant ethnic groups in terms of access to state power. We are taking advantage of the within-country variation and using Fixed-Effects, Difference-GMM and System-GMM estimations. Our dynamic panel data and error-correction growth models display a robust positive effect of the proportion of included groups in democracies. This effect is offset in autocracies and the difference is often significantly negative. This finding withstands the introduction of various controls and specification checks. We provide a theoretical rationalization of this observed phenomenon in the form of a mechanism involving the opposition of forces linked to efficiency gains, coordination failures and inclusiveness.